Framing Effects and Group Differences in Public Opinion about Prison Pell Grants

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Travis M. Johnston ◽  
Kevin H. Wozniak

ABSTRACT After years of gridlock on the issue, a bipartisan group of members of Congress struck a deal in 2020 to restore eligibility for inmates to access Pell Grants. Evidence indicates that college education programs in prison reduce recidivism and, consequently, state corrections expenditures, but legislators in prior decades feared that voters would resent government subsidy of college classes for criminals. To assess the contemporary politics of the issue, we analyze data from a framing experiment embedded in the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Study. We find that Americans, on average, neither support nor oppose the proposal to restore inmates’ Pell Grant eligibility; however, exposure to arguments about the proposal’s benefits to inmates in particular and American society more broadly both increased subjects’ support. We further explore how this framing effect varies across political partisanship and racial resentment. We find that both frames elicited a positive response from subjects, especially among Democrats and subjects with low or moderate racial resentment.

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Scarborough ◽  
Danny Lambouths ◽  
Allyson Holbrook

Workplace diversity policies are more effective when they are supported by managers and workers, but there is little direct evidence on how people feel about these policies or why they hold certain opinions. In this study, we analyze data from a survey experiment designed to assess public opinion about a range of workplace diversity policies. We examine how support for these policies among employed respondents varies by race, gender, and by the targeted population (i.e. whether the policies aim to improve the workplace representation of women or racial minorities). Using OLS regression models to analyze a diverse sample of employed persons participating in the survey, we find that women, blacks, and Latina/os are more supportive of diversity policies than men and whites, and a substantial portion of these gender/race differences can be explained by group-differences in the belief that discrimination causes inequality. In addition, we find that respondents report lower levels of support for workplace policies when these policies are framed as a mechanism to increase diversity than when they are framed as being needed to address discrimination or if no justification is given for the policy. Our findings highlight the role of inequality beliefs in shaping worker support for diversity policies, suggesting directions for future research on how such beliefs are developed.


2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haiming Liu

AbstractThrough a careful analysis of Lei Jieqiong's master's these of 1931, this article looks at how American-born Chinese learned to understand racial inequality in American society, transcended their American mindset, and developed a new identity. For many American-born Chinese, self-loathing was an early stage of their identity formation as they felt ashamed of being Chinese. They acquired the cultural values of white Americans, replicated their social manners and behavior pattern, and believed that only assimilation could make them accepted by American society. But being culturally American did not make them an equal American in a racially stratified society. An even more painful reality for them was the routine rejection they faced in the American job market. A college education did not help them get a professional job. Thus returning to China became a realistic choice to make. More than finding better opportunities, returning to China was an experience in which American-born Chinese invigorated their connection to ethnic roots and built a new identity. Their experience may serve as a mirror to the contemporary Chinese American youth and help the latter understand that being culturally American is different from being ethnically American.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor J. Pinedo

102 Cornell Law Review 547 (2017)Imagine the following scenario: You have just been released from prison after serving a two-year sentence for sale of a controlled substance. Upon release, you search for housing in your community but learn that your conviction disqualifies you from public housing. You look for a job, but given the restrictions and required disclosures, your search constantly leads to dead ends. You decide to pursue a college education, but learn that you only qualify for a limited amount of federal aid and cannot receive Federal Pell Grants—loans that do not require repayment. Fed up with your situation, you turn to the ballot box but learn that you have lost your right to vote. Facing these bleak circumstances, you turn back to selling drugs and are re-arrested. This cycle is one that far too many in this country face each year.


2019 ◽  
Vol 109 ◽  
pp. 223-226
Author(s):  
Benjamin M. Marx ◽  
Lesley J. Turner

We estimate attainment effects of financial aid at a large community college. Using variation from a field experiment that altered how the college presented loans and a discontinuity in the Pell Grant formula, we separately identify the effects of grant aid and loans on short-run attainment. Although increases in Pell Grant aid cause students to reduce their borrowing, our experiment allows us to partial out the effect of any borrowing response on attainment. Both grants and loans significantly increase credits completed and grades.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Tope ◽  
Brittany D. Rawlinson ◽  
Justin T. Pickett ◽  
Amy M. Burdette ◽  
Christopher G. Ellison

The nascent literature on the propensity to endorse conspiratorial views of President Barack Obama suggests that such sentiments may be grounded in racial animus or political partisanship. Yet to date, little attention has been paid to the religious elements that may underlie such claims. We extend the research in this area by using a national survey to assess the relationship between white conservative Protestant affiliation and an inclination to endorse the idea that Obama is a Muslim and/or a noncitizen. The results show that white conservative Protestant affiliation is associated with a greater tendency to support these characterizations of Obama. Importantly, this relationship is substantially mediated by racial resentment. The results are discussed in terms of their implications for the United States’ increasing ethnic and religious pluralism.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Bleakley

As a variant ideology based on libertarian Marxism, the philosophy of situationism failed to achieve widespread popularity beyond a relatively brief time frame between the late 1950s and early 1970s. Despite this short-lived period of ascendency, the impact of Situationist concepts such as psychogeography, recuperation and the Spectacle have continued to play a role in the ongoing study of how reality is constructed in a system of advanced capitalism. Situationism’s concern with the perception of reality as shaped by the mass media is of particular significance in the context of contemporary politics that has been dubbed the ‘post-truth era’. The disavowal of the mass media by US President Donald Trump may give the impression of a Situationist approach that rejects the impact of such reality-shaping tools, yet a closer inspection of his actions suggests that Trump himself is responsible for the construction of a neo-Spectacle in which the recuperation of anti-establishment sentiment provides the basis for the reconsolidation of the position held by the capitalist elite within American society.


Author(s):  
Georgina Rojas-García

This is a qualitative study that examines the process through which young adults who were born in Mexico and immigrated to the United States in their formative years have managed to attain a college education, and the uncertainty that besets their future careers. The article focuses on successful college attainment but seeks to add to the debate about resilient migrants along the following lines. The young adult immigrant population (referred to as Generation 1.5) deserves special attention since they experience a different process of socialization and insertion into American society, compared to first-generation adult migrants and to their children born in the United States (the second generation). The outcome of this different socialization process is a group of high achievers in the academic arena, with a heterogeneous prospect in labor, mainly due to their migratory situation. Their professional prospects fall into one of two patterns: upward mobility or glass-ceiling mobility.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (Supplement_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Wong ◽  
Rienna Russo ◽  
Deborah Min ◽  
Judy Ah-Yune ◽  
Simona Kwon ◽  
...  

Abstract Objectives To assess prevalence of dietary cultural norms (consumption of brown rice, raw vegetables, low sodium diet) and the association of acculturation level with these norms in a Chinese American sample in New York City (NYC). Methods We conducted a cross-sectional survey (2018 Examining Norms and Behaviors Linked to Eating [ENABLE] Pilot Study) among urban-dwelling Chinese immigrant communities in NYC (n = 239). Multivariable models predicted the effect of acculturation on three dimensions of Chinese cultural dietary norms: non-consumption of raw vegetables, brown rice, and low sodium diet, adjusted for age and sex. Acculturation dimensions were defined as both identification with ethnic society (Chinese culture) immersion (ESI) and with dominant society (American culture) immersion (DSI); maximum possible scores = 4. STATA was used for all analyses. Results The majority of the sample identified strongly with Chinese culture (73% above mean ESI = 3.2) and less with American culture (55% below mean DSI = 3.0). Overall, participation in dietary norms was low across the three dimensions; 21% reported not consuming raw vegetables; 37% not consuming brown rice; and 41% not consuming low sodium diets. Participants with higher acculturation to American society (DSI > 3.0) had lower participation in raw vegetable and brown rice dietary norms; 7% for raw vegetables, and 22% for brown rice. Those more acculturated to American culture were more likely to report consumption of brown rice (aOR = 3.57, 95% CI 0.01–12.50). Having a college education or higher was associated with reduced likelihood of participating in raw vegetable norms (aOR = 0.21, 95% CI 0.08–0.51) and brown rice norms (aOR = 0.46, 95% CI 0.22–0.98). No associations were found between ESI and participating in any dietary norms using univariate or multivariate models. Conclusions Immersion into American society and education may be more influential on norms than traditional beliefs while acculturation to American society appears to dissuade participation in traditional Chinese dietary norms – specifically, consumption of brown rice. Interestingly, education appears to be a stronger predictor of participation in cultural dietary norms than American or Chinese acculturation in this sample. Funding Sources NIMHD/NIH.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pratiwi Utami

The propagation of hoaxes on social media has contributed to political tension in many countries. The 2016 US presidential election provides evidence of how fake news can generate more social media engagement than real news. In multicultural Indonesia, the history of anti-communist, anti-Christian, and anti-Chinese pogroms increases the level of sensitivity and sentiment, especially when dealing with racial issues. This paper explores the role of hoaxes in Indonesia’s contemporary politics. It investigates the characteristics of hoax information circulated on social media during the 2017 Jakarta election using a memetic practice approach. This study perceives hoaxes as having acted like memes in terms of the ways in which they dismantle existing source material to tap into ideas or sentiments people connect with. Hoaxes as memes alter original items into new forms of artifacts, with new messages that resonate with existing beliefs in society. Consequently, hoaxes can create a culture based on a shared belief among the community and, in the era of increasing polarization, a hoax has the potential to be a means of political partisanship. However, with the tendency to overpower the truth and lead people away from believing facts, hoaxes can be a threat to participatory democracy.


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