Symbolic Representation, Expectancy Disconfirmation, and Citizen Complaints Against Police

2021 ◽  
pp. 027507402110344
Author(s):  
Euipyo Lee ◽  
Sean Nicholson-Crotty

The theory of symbolic representation expects that citizens will view the actions of government as more legitimate when administrators share their characteristics. Although there is support for this assertion in some service areas, the evidence in policing is mixed. We draw on Expectancy Disconfirmation Theory to develop the expectation that policing is an area where we may be unlikely to see a positive relationship between representation and positive citizen perceptions of government officials. We test this expectation in an individual-level analysis of citizen complaints against police from four American cities between 2014 and 2017. The results suggest that, all else equal, complaints against Black officers are as or more likely to be filed by Black citizens than by citizens of other races. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of these results for both the study of representative bureaucracy and for the management of police citizen interactions.

2021 ◽  
pp. 027507402110493
Author(s):  
Kenicia Wright

Although the United States spends more on health care than comparable nations, many Americans suffer from poor health. Many factors are emphasized as being important for improved health outcomes, including social and economic indicators, living and working conditions, and individual-level behavior. However, I argue the overwhelming attention to male health outcomes—compared to female health outcomes—and focus on factors that are “traditionally understood” as important in shaping health are two limitations of existing health-related research. I adopt an innovative approach that combines the theory of representative bureaucracy, gender concordance, and symbolic representation to argue that increase in female physicians contribute to improved female health outcomes. Using an originally collected dataset that contains information on female physicians, health outcomes, and state and individual-level factors, I study how female physicians influence the health outcomes of non-Hispanic White women, non-Hispanic Black women, and Latinas in the United States from 2000 to 2012. The findings suggest female physicians contribute to improved health outcomes for non-Hispanic White women and non-Hispanic Black women, but not Latinas. Supplemental Analysis bolsters confidence that the findings are not the result of increased access to health care professionals. This study highlights the importance of applying the theory of representative bureaucracy and symbolic representation to health care, the promise of greater female representation in health, and the insight gleaned from incorporating intersectionality in public administration research.


Urban Studies ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 004209802096443
Author(s):  
Aaron A Moore ◽  
R Michael McGregor

Neighbourhood associations are major players in urban politics throughout North American cities and increasingly are becoming a political force in other parts of the world. However, while there is a rich and well-developed literature on the role played by neighbourhood associations in urban politics, few studies examine whether their membership reflects the socio-demographic composition and interests of the broader public. This paper addresses this gap in the literature using survey data from voters conducted during the Vancouver and Toronto 2018 municipal elections. We compare the responses of participants who identify as members of neighbourhood associations (or their equivalents) with those of the broader voting public. We find that members of neighbourhood associations in both cities are not representative of the broader population. They are more likely to be white, older and have higher education than the average voter. In addition, while the ideology of neighbourhood association members differs little from that of the broader public, their policy priorities are different from those of the majority of voters in both cities. Our findings suggest that neighbourhood associations fail in providing descriptive representation and may not offer substantive representation. These findings raise important questions about the role of neighbourhood associations in local governance. Our study also demonstrates the merit of using individual-level surveys to learn more about the composition and policy preferences of neighbourhood associations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (7) ◽  
pp. 1175-1219 ◽  
Author(s):  
Néstor Castañeda ◽  
David Doyle ◽  
Cassilde Schwartz

We examine the individual-level determinants of tax morale in low-capacity states, specifically Latin American countries, where the social contract is often perceived as fractured. We argue that individuals in such states perceive the social contract as an agreement to which they can opt in or opt out. Those who choose to opt out prefer to substitute state-provided goods for private providers, rather than pay for public goods through taxes or free ride to receive those goods. Through a list experiment conducted in Mexico City, we demonstrate that willingness to evade taxes is highest when individuals have stepped outside of the social contract. More traditional indicators of reciprocity—such as socioeconomic status and perceptions of corruption—are not significant. We bolster our experimental results with observational data from 17 Latin American cities; those with access to employer-sponsored insurance are more willing to evade tax.


Criminology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob Young ◽  
Audrey Puckett

Body-worn cameras (BWCs) are being deployed in police departments at unprecedented rates according to empirical research. In trying to catch up, research into the technology is now rapidly growing. Especially in the beginning, the technology presented various potential positives, such as increasing police legitimacy and accountability as well as aiding with reports. Research into BWCs is split into seven main themes: General Overviews, Standalone Empirical Works, Police-Citizen Interactions, Perceptions of BWCs, Officer Compliance with BWCs and Impacts on Reports, Organizational Effects, and Costs and Benefits of BWCs. To start, general overviews provides articles and reports which investigate the literature as a whole and identify common themes. Many of these articles entail extensive literature reviews. Standalone Empirical Works includes research that approaches BWCs from new angles and perspectives. The sections Police-Citizen Interactions and Perceptions of BWCs have received the largest amount of attention. Police-Citizen Interactions includes material that examines how BWCs influence citizen cooperation or compliance with the police, citizen complaints of the police, reports of police use of force, and use of procedural justice. Perceptions of BWCs includes research on attitudes held by both citizens and police, though the majority of articles investigate officer beliefs. Officer Compliance with BWCs and Impacts on Reports examines how the beliefs of officers impact usage and subsequent use of footage. Then the article moves into examining how BWCs and organizations reciprocally impact each other. The article ends with presenting reports and articles that weigh the costs and benefits of deploying BWCs.


1982 ◽  
Vol 76 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elaine B. Sharp

The topic of citizen-initiated contacting of government officials has received increasing attention, but research has yielded conflicting findings on the relationship of socioeconomic status to contacting behavior. Various studies find that the two are negatively, positively, parabolically, or negligibly related. Data are presented supporting the claim of a positive relationship, and reasons for the conflicting findings are explored. The need-awareness model, associated with the finding of a parabolic relationship between socioeconomic status and contacting at the aggregate level, is tested at the individual level of analysis. While the importance of the need and awareness factors is affirmed, the overall model is not supported. As with other modes of political participation, sense of efficacy is found to be an important predictor of contracting, but the positive relationship between socioeconomic status and contacting remains when efficacy is controlled.


2021 ◽  
pp. 44-80
Author(s):  
Carew Boulding ◽  
Claudio A. Holzner

This chapter describes in detail patterns of political participation in Latin America with a particular focus on the political activity of poor citizens. It also introduces the book’s measures of poverty and political participation and engages in some preliminary statistical analysis in order to rule out alternative explanations. We identify three important findings: first, the poorest individuals in Latin America now participate in politics at least as much as, if not more than, more affluent individuals; second, the relationship between wealth and political activism is not uniform across countries or acts: in some places poor people participate more than the affluent, in most countries there is no difference in overall levels of participation across social classes, and in a few countries political stratification by class continues; third, the chapter shows that poor people do vote and protest a bit less than more affluent people but contact government more. It is the frequency with which poor people contact government officials that accounts for much of the equality in political participation that the book identifies. The analysis finds little evidence that individual-level factors explain these patterns. Instead, poor individuals participate as much or more than more affluent individuals despite possessing lower levels of education, political interest, and wealth. The chapter also explores the effect that efforts at vote buying and clientelist mobilization have on poor people’s activism, showing that although clientelism is common, it not the only mechanism through which poor people are mobilized into politics.


2011 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rashmi Prasad ◽  
Yong Cao

Cross-cultural negotiations between the United States and China at government level, business level as well as individual level are important for both countries. However, current empirical findings about the cross-cultural negotiations outcomes indicate that they tend to be inferior to those obtained in intra-cultural negotiations due to various barriers, which include differences of language, ethical systems, and a range of cultural traits from risk-propensity to individualism. For Americans bargaining with persons from collectivist cultures such as China can be especially difficult, compounded by group dynamics such as in-group favoritism, inter-group attributions, as well as, histories of conflict and suspicion of foreigners. Attaining to effective positive-sum bargaining requires, among other factors, a perception of ones counterpart as ethical, a predictable process of information disclosure and the building of trust. These are especially important in cross-cultural negotiations involving Chinese partners. In this paper we review the barriers to effective cross-cultural bargaining between Americans and Chinese partners and provide a framework for improved outcomes, with a special focus on factors such as group dynamics, information disclosure and Confucian ethical framing. The framework could be useful tool for improving bargaining practices between government officials and business managers between the countries.


2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 423-440 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen Spencer-Oatey ◽  
Jiayi Wang

This article explores the interconnections between culture, context, and language, with a special focus on face. Research into face has taken place in various fields and here we draw on insights from different disciplinary perspectives, notably linguistics and social psychology, to address the following questions: (1) To what extent can the various categorizations of face be linked with people’s individual-level values? (2) How do culture-level values interplay with context and language in affecting face sensitivities? The data for our study involved interactions between government officials during a Chinese delegation visit to the United States in which face concerns were prominent. Mixed support is found for existing theorizing, and the article ends by calling for more interdisciplinary research to help unpack the complex mix of interconnected factors.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-151
Author(s):  
Siddharth Swaminathan

Why do some upper caste respondents view Dalit socio-economic conditions as a consequence of a lack of effort by Dalits, while others see it as a consequence of systematic discrimination and exclusion of Dalits from opportunities across generations? What explains this variation? This forms the central question I explore in this article. Two commonly held explanations for much of the observed upper caste behaviours towards Dalits also explain the divergent opinions held by upper caste respondents on the reasons for current Dalit socio-economic conditions. Using individual level data from the Politics and Society between Elections survey, I find that a negative bias toward Dalits that arises when upper caste respondents perceive themselves as more hardworking than Dalits and a perception of the relatively favourable treatment of Dalits by government officials significantly explain differences in upper caste opinions. Persistent inequalities reinforced by denying the historical burden borne by Dalits over centuries ultimately renders social change meaningless and democratic deepening a pipe dream.


2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (8) ◽  
pp. 851-864 ◽  
Author(s):  
James E. Wright ◽  
Andrea M. Headley

Representative bureaucracy research has examined the influence of race and ethnicity on policing outcomes, yet little is known about police use of force specifically at the individual-level. To address this topic more meticulously, we utilize individual-level data (from Indianapolis and Dallas police departments) to explore differences in the amount of force used by officers in ethnic, racial, and gender matches in police–civilian dyads. Findings suggest that there are heightened levels of force used when there is racial and gender incongruenc between the officer and the civilian, particularly White officers interacting with Black civilians. We discuss how this finding may impact police departments moving forward.


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