scholarly journals Donald Trump and European Allies: American Experts on the Future of NATO

2021 ◽  
Vol 101 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-15
Author(s):  
Yuri Goloub ◽  
◽  
Sergei Shenin ◽  

The article analyzes the perception in the United States of the Trump administration‟s policy regarding NATO, the role of European countries, and the possibility of reforming the alliance. In the context of comparing this policy with the efforts of previous administrations, the authors study the attitudes of the most active political expert groups (liberals, realists, conservatives, and neoconservatives). It is concluded that the vast majority of the expert community considers it necessary to transform relations with the allies in the context of the ongoing bipartisan strategy of “pivot to Asia”, which implies an increase in European countries‟ defense spending with the EU being responsible for the security on the continent. All leading political expert groups agree that Trump‟s policy is generally consistent with this strategy, but its effectiveness is evaluated differently. It is assumed that the presidential victory of J. Biden will mean accelerating the implementation of the strategy of “pivot to Asia” and an autonomizaton of the defense potential of Europe.

Author(s):  
Svetlana Margelova

The article examines the coverage in the American media of issues related to the signing of agreements, called the "Abraham Agreement", on mutual recognition and normalization of relations between Israel and the UAE, as well as between Israel and Bahrain through the mediation of the United States. The main focus is on comparing the positions of liberal and conservative publications regarding the assessment, motives and consequences of signing agreements, as well as the role of Donald Trump and his administration. Based on the material considered, it is concluded that conservative publications are more consolidated and complementary in their attitude to the "Abraham Agreements", while in liberal publications the spread of opinions is sometimes diametrically opposed, with a noticeable bias towards a skeptical point of view.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-70
Author(s):  
Daniel S. Hamilton

U.S. President Donald Trump has flip-flopped on NATO’s relevance, harangued allies about unfair burden-sharing, and threatened to condition U.S. support for other allies based on their level of defense spending. Trump’s erratic approaches to Russia, Ukraine, nuclear arms control, and the Middle East have further exacerbated allied anxieties. Militarily, the Trump administration has strengthened and extended U.S. commitments to NATO. Politically, the Alliance is in sad shape. The deeper challenge for Europe, however, is not U.S. abandonment, it is that the United States is drifting from being a European power to a power in Europe.


2021 ◽  
pp. 348-357
Author(s):  
Qingguo Jia

Summary Recent years have seen China trying to play the role of a responsible power. It has made great efforts in this regard, including actively participating in international peacekeeping operations, collaborating with other countries to deal with the climate change and trying to help in fighting the COVID-19 pandemic. However, China’s efforts have met with stiff resistance from the West, especially from the Donald Trump-led United States. How does one explain this turn of events? This essay argues that the speed of China’s rise; the Western perception of China’s domestic development; the failure to address domestic problems on the part of some major Western countries, especially the United States; and the role that the Trump administration played provide important clues to such a development.


2008 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry Bosworth ◽  
Susan M. Collins

This paper examines U.S. goods trade with China, focusing on the performance of exports. Throughout the analysis, we explore whether U.S. trade is unusual by contrasting it with trade from Japan and the EU-15.1 The issue is examined from three perspectives: the commodity composition of exports, the role of multinational corporations (MNCs), and the determinants of trade as specified in a formal “gravity model.” As an initial point of departure, we show that the commodity composition of U.S. exports to China is similar to the pattern of exports to the world as a whole, and that the operations of U.S. MNCs have only minor implications for trade with China. Consequently, we emphasize the estimation of a set of “gravity equations” that explore the role of market size and distance from the United States. Distance exerts a surprisingly large effect on trade. Finally, although exports to China may be a small share of U.S. GDP, they are relatively substantial compared to U.S. exports to other countries. In other words, the measure of U.S. trade performance in China is distorted by the low level of its exports to all countries. We present evidence that the United States underperforms as an exporter relative to a peer group of high-income European countries and Japan.


Author(s):  
N. Gegelashvili ◽  
◽  
I. Modnikova ◽  

The article analyzes the US policy towards Ukraine dating back from the time before the reunification of Crimea with Russia and up to Donald Trump coming to power. The spectrum of Washington’s interests towards this country being of particular strategic interest to the United States are disclosed. It should be noted that since the disintegration of the Soviet Union Washington’s interest in this country on the whole has not been very much different from its stand on all post-Soviet states whose significance was defined by the U,S depending on their location on the world map as well as on the value of their natural resources. However, after the reunification of Crimea with Russia Washington’s stand on this country underwent significant changes, causing a radical transformation of the U,S attitude in their Ukrainian policy. During the presidency of Barack Obama the American policy towards Ukraine was carried out rather sluggishly being basically declarative in its nature. When President D. Trump took his office Washington’s policy towards Ukraine became increasingly more offensive and was characterized by a rather proactive stance not only because Ukraine became the principal arena of confrontation between the United States and the Russian Federation, but also because it became a part of the US domestic political context. Therefore, an outcome of the “battle” for Ukraine is currently very important for the United States in order to prove to the world its role of the main helmsman in the context of a diminishing US capability of maintaining their global superiority.


2017 ◽  
Vol 111 (4) ◽  
pp. 1027-1035

In June 2017, President Donald Trump announced a plan to roll back various steps taken by his predecessor toward normalizing relations between the United States and Cuba. A senior official for the administration announced the plan in a White House press briefing:The President vowed to reverse the Obama administration policies toward Cuba that have enriched the Cuban military regime and increased the repression on the island. It is a promise that President Trump made, and it's a promise that President Trump is keeping.With this is a readjustment of the United States policy towards Cuba. And you will see that, going forward, the new policy under the Trump administration, will empower the Cuban people. To reiterate, the new policy going forward does not target the Cuban people, but it does target the repressive members of the Cuban military government.


Author(s):  
Richard Alba ◽  
Nancy Foner

This chapter explores the role of post-World War II immigration laws and policies of France, Germany, Great Britain, the Netherlands, United States, and Canada in giving rise to the mix of new social groups on their social landscapes. In one fundamental sense, the immigration regimes of European countries, the United States, and Canada are very much alike. All are restrictive in that they set limits on the numbers and type of people who can settle as permanent residents. There are, however, important transatlantic differences, lending some support to the common perception that Canada and the United States are more welcoming of immigration. Western European countries continue to be wary about immigration from outside of Europe. Their wariness is reflected in their attempts to make migration through marriages to the second generation more difficult as well as in immigration laws that constrain economic migration from the global South, keeping its numbers modest while seeking to select high human-capital immigrants.


2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 607-636
Author(s):  
Mark Humphery-Jenner

Governments periodically receive accusations of over-spending. These accusations are sometimes warranted. Some commentators propose that strict tax and expenditure limits (TELs) and/or balanced budget requirements (BBRs) may resolve excessive expenditure. Governments can implement TELs and BBRs through constitutional amendments, statutory schemes, or non-binding aspirational goals. They have been proposed as a remedy to allegations of over-spending in some European countries. However, it is not entirely clear if TELs or BBRs are effective or will resolve excess expenditure. I analyze TELs and BBRs as implemented in the United States and Australia. I argue that the Australian model of aspirational TELs and BBRs is beneficial if there is a political will to enforce them. However, if there is no such political will, then statutory (as opposed to constitutional) TELs and BBRs best strike a balance of flexibility and constraint.


Subject China's options for retaliating against US firms during trade tensions. Significance US President Donald Trump tweeted yesterday that he is working with China's President Xi Jinping to get China's telecoms giant, ZTE, "back in business, fast" -- even though it was penal US sanctions that forced the company to announce last week that it was stopping operations. The Trump administration is divided on whether its objective in threatening imports tariffs on Chinese goods worth 50 billion dollars, effective May 22, is to strike a deal to cut China's trade surplus with the United States or to change China's industrial practices. Impacts Compliance costs will rise even if trade tensions subside. Investors in industries that China sees as strategic (eg, semiconductors and integrated circuits) may face unwritten screening rules. Investors in automobile, aircraft and shipping manufacturing and finance may find new opportunities to enter the market.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2(13)/2019 (2(13)/2019) ◽  
pp. 95-100
Author(s):  
Vadim VOLOVOJ

Today’s world is in transition, and nobody can predict what the future power balance will look like. Transatlantic relations and the EU are in trouble. They may transform significantly, but it seems that many European countries are not ready for fundamental change. The United States of Europe or Europe of Nations – what should be the choice for Lithuania and what can it do in case of NATO disintegration? This article is speculative futurology, with the goal of preparing for the future


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