scholarly journals Suara Mahasiswa dari Dua Kota: Perbandingan Pandangan Isola Pos di Bandung dan Balairung di Yogyakarta terhadap Isu Politik di Indonesia, 1991-1998

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-30
Author(s):  
Nisa Rizkiah ◽  
Andi Suwirta ◽  
Encep Supriatna
Keyword(s):  
New Order ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Education Politics ◽  
Historical Method ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Two Cities ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Government ◽  
Student Press

ABSTRAKSI: Pers mahasiswa menjadi media alternatif pada masa pemerintahan Orde Baru (1966-1998). Pers mahasiswa mampu dan berani melakukan kritik terhadap pemerintah melalui tulisan dalam media yang diterbitkannya. Dengan menggunakan metode historis, hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa pers mahasiswa Indonesia, pada periode tahun 1990-an, mulai menunjukan kembali jatidiri dan perannya. “Isola Pos” di Bandung lebih menitikberatkan pemberitaan pada isu-isu besar pendidikan, hal ini karena pendidikan harus dikelola secara benar, jangan dipolitisir, dan harus sesuai dengan cita-cita para pendiri negara-bangsa. Sedangkan “Balairung” di Yogyakarta lebih dominan pada isu-isu politik, karena ianya merupakan langkah untuk melakukan perubahan dalam konteks sosial-politik sebuah negara-bangsa. Meskipun dari segmentasi berita yang diambil berbeda, namun ada benang merah di antara keduanya, yakni sama-sama memiliki tujuan untuk perubahan Indonesia ke arah yang lebih baik, serta melakukan perlawanan terhadap suatu rezim yang dianggap menyimpang dari kebijakan dan cita-cita bersama.KATA KUNCI: Pers Mahasiswa; Pendidikan; Politik; Pemerintah Orde Baru; Kritik Sosial. ABSTRACT: “Students’ Voice of Two Cities: Comparison on Views of Isola Pos in Bandung and Balairung in Yogyakarta toward Political Issues in Indonesia, 1991-1998”. The student’s press was an alternative media during the New Order government (1966-1998). The student’s press was capable and daring to criticize the government through the publication of articles in the media. By using the historical method, this study shows that student press in the period of 1990s, began showed again its identities and roles. The “Isola Pos” in Bandung was choosing more dominant on educational issues, due to that education must be managed properly, not be politicized, and must accordance with the ideals of nation-states’ founders. While “Balairung” in Yogyakarta was more dominant in political issues, due to it was as a step to make changes in the socio-political context. Although the news taken from different segments, but there are the common substances between them, namely they have a goal to change Indonesia into a better direction and the resistance to a regime that is wrong in policy and common ideals.KEY WORD: Student Press; Education; Politics; New Order Government; Social Critics.     About the Authors: Nisa Rizkiah, S.Pd. adalah Alumni Departemen Pendidikan Sejarah FPIPS UPI (Fakultas Pendidikan Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia) di Bandung. Andi Suwirta, M.Hum. dan Dr. Encep Supriatna adalah Dosen di Departemen Pendidikan Sejarah FPIPS UPI di Bandung, Jawa Barat, Indonesia. Penulis bisa dihubungi melalui emel di: [email protected] Citation: Rizkiah, Nisa, Andi Suwirta Encep Supriatna. (2018). “Suara Mahasiswa dari Dua Kota: Perbandingan Pandangan Isola Pos di Bandung dan Balairung di Yogyakarta terhadap Isu Politik di Indonesia, 1991-1998” in MIMBAR PENDIDIKAN: Jurnal Indonesia untuk Kajian Pendidikan, Volume 3(1), Maret, pp.11-30. Bandung, Indonesia: UPI [Indonesia University of Education] Press, ISSN 2527-3868 (print) and 2503-457X (online). Chronicle of the article: Accepted (January 15, 2018); Revised (February 17, 2018); and Published (March 30, 2018).

KEBIJAKAN POLITIK KERUKUNAN ANTARAGAMA DI INDONESIA ERA REFORMASI

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 407-424
Author(s):  
Jamaluddin Jamaluddin
Keyword(s):  
Transition Period ◽  
Religious Life ◽  
New Order ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Accommodation Space ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The Government ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Cultural Reality

Indonesian reformation era begins with the fall of President Suharto. Political transition and democratic transition impact in the religious life. Therefore, understandably, when the politic transition is not yet fully reflects the idealized conditions. In addition to the old paradigm that is still attached to the brain of policy makers, various policies to mirror the complexity of stuttering ruler to answer the challenges of religious life. This challenge cannot be separated from the hegemonic legacy of the past, including the politicization of SARA. Hegemony that took place during the New Order period, adversely affected the subsequent transition period. It seems among other things, with airings various conflicts nuances SARA previously muted, forced repressive. SARA issues arise as a result of the narrowing of the accommodation space of the nation state during the New Order regime. The New Order regime has reduced the definition of nation-states is only part of a group of people loyal to the government to deny the diversity of socio-cultural reality in it. To handle the inheritance, every regime in the reform era responds with a pattern and a different approach. It must be realized, that the post-reform era, Indonesia has had four changes of government. The leaders of every regime in the reform era have a different background and thus also have a vision that is different in treating the problem of racial intolerance, particularly against religious aspect. This treatment causes the accomplishment difference each different regimes of dealing with the diversity of race, religion and class that has become the hallmark of Indonesian society.

scholarly journals Kristenisasi di Pulau Dewata pada Era Kolonial Belanda

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Tri Wahyuning M. Irsyam
Keyword(s):  
Local Community ◽  
Cultural Preservation ◽  
Community Based ◽  
Strategic Partner ◽  
Colonial Era ◽  
Historical Method ◽  
Common Enemy ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Government ◽  
New Religion

This article discusses Christianization in Bali during the late XIX until XX century that was not only become religious phenomena, but also the pragmatical of government policy. It is compiled with historical method. According to the study, it can be delivered that Bali in the Dutch colonial era was in a tense situation. It was not only because the new religion came from the other parts of the world and therefore considered as alien by the local community based on Hinduism, but also discrimination against the zending institution conducted by the colonial regime. In the macro policy level, the government put into zending and mission became counterpart as well as media to conquer and civilize the colonies in order to face of Islamic radicalism as a common enemy. However, the government viewed that Bali as a strategic partner against the common enemy. Christianization was feared to lead a strong rejection from the Balinese people and ultimately led to resistance of the government. Therefore, the government prohibited zending in Bali despite the reasons that were not commonly found in the dominant politics of cultural preservation. 

scholarly journals WIDJOJONOMICS SAMPAI HABIBIENOMICS

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fajar Nur Alam ◽  
Farida Sarimaya
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Debt ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Advanced Technology ◽  
Added Value ◽  
New Order ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Historical Method ◽  
Market Expansion ◽  
The Rich ◽  
The Government

This article entitled “Widjojonomics to Habibienomics: Different views of Economic thoughts of Widjojo Nitisastro and B.J Habibie towards Indonesian Economy in the New Order.” The main issues raised in this study is how differing ideas of B.J Habibie and Nitisastro Widjojo about Indonesian economy in the New Order era in 1971-1999. The method used in this bachelor thesis research is historical method, which is conducted in following steps: heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography, while the technique used is literature study. Based on the study, several conclusions can be drawn. The government of New Order started its governance with economic crisis. To solve it, therefore stabilization and rehabilitation of national economy is needed. Widjojo Nitisastro and B. J. have different background both in terms of their youth life and education. That is what influences the characters and ways of their thinking. Economic principal of Widjojo Nitisastro, which often called as Widjojonomics, exemplifies that modernization of economic system that covers market, fiscal and foreign debt is expected to give birth to a trickle-down effect, which assumes that if the policy is intended to provide benefits for the rich, the poor would also be impacted through the employment expansion, income distribution and market expansion.  Economic principal of B.J Habibie, which often called as Habibienomics, is a system of economy that should be developed though the seizure of advanced technology to catch up with developed countries. Indonesia should not only be a state that can only produce goods that have comparative advantages. Instead, Indonesia should also have added value and competitive advantage.

scholarly journals EDUCATION POLITICS IN ISLAMIC BOARDING SCHOOL AND MADRASA: The Old Order, The New Order, and The Reform Era

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 351-372
Author(s):  
Jufri Naldo ◽  
Azhari Akmal Tarigan ◽  
Faisal Riza
Keyword(s):  
Boarding School ◽  
Boarding Schools ◽  
Political Support ◽  
New Order ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Education Politics ◽  
Old Order ◽  
Education Today ◽  
The Government

Abstract: The development of Islamic boarding schools and madrasas in Indonesia cannot be separated from the political education policy of the government that is currently in power. Through a literature study, this study intends to reveal how the form of education politics carried out by the government towards these two institutions. The theoretical debate on education politics during the Old Order begins the explanation of this study. Then, the debate during the New Order is discussed, and the debate related to the Reformation era is discussed after that. This study illustrates that despite the politicization of Islamic boarding schools and madrasas, these indigenous Indonesian educational institutions must be preserved and their development should be considered. Furthermore, Islamic boarding schools and madrasas are important indicators for the progress of the religion and the nation. By looking at the realities of advanced education today, Islamic boarding schools and madrasas are a reflection of the superiority of scientific, intellectual, and cultural achievements. The government as a policymaker should provide full political support so that Islamic boarding schools and madrasas can compete at the world level.الملخص: لا يمكن فصل تطوير المدارس الداخلية الإسلامية والمدارس الدينية في إندونيسيا عن سياسة التعليم السياسي للحكومة التي تتولى السلطة حاليًا. تهدف هذه الدراسة ، من خلال دراسة أدبية ، إلى الكشف عن شكل السياسة التربوية التي تنفذها الحكومة تجاه هاتين المؤسستين. سيبدأ النقاش النظري حول سياسات التعليم في عهد النظام القديم في شرح هذه الدراسة ، ثم يتبعها في عهد النظام الجديد ، وينتهي خلال فترة الإصلاح. توضح هذه الدراسة أنه على الرغم من تسييس المدارس الداخلية الإسلامية والمدارس الدينية ، يجب الحفاظ على هذه المؤسسات التعليمية الإندونيسية الأصلية والنظر في تطويرها. علاوة على ذلك ، فإن المدارس الداخلية الإسلامية هي مؤشرات مهمة لتقدم الدين والأمة. بالنظر إلى واقع التعليم المتقدم حاليًا ، فإن المدارس الداخلية الإسلامية والمدارس الإسلامية هي انعكاس لتفوق الإنجازات العلمية والفكرية والثقافية. يجب على الحكومة كصانع للسياسة أن تقدم الدعم السياسي الكامل حتى تتمكن المدارس الداخلية الإسلامية والمدارس الإسلامية من المنافسة على المستوى العالمي.Abstrak: Perkembangan Pesantren dan madrasah di Indonesia tidak dapat dipisahkan dari kebijakan politik pendidikan pemerintah yang sedang berkuasa. Melalui studi literatur, kajian ini hendak mengungkap bagaimana bentuk politik pendidikan yang dijalankan oleh pemerintah terhadap kedua lembaga tersebut. Perdebatan teoritis politik pendidikan pada masa Orde Lama akan mengawali penjelasan kajian ini, kemudian disusul pada masa Orde Baru, dan diakhiri pada masa Reformasi. Kajian ini memberikan gambaran bahwa sekalipun terjadi politisasi terhadap pesantren dan madrasah, akan tetapi lembaga pendidikan asli Indonesia ini harus tetap dilestarikan dan diperhatikan perkembangannya. Selanjutnya, pesantren dan madrasah merupakan salah satu indikator penting untuk kemajuan agama dan bangsa. Dengan melihat realitas pendidikan yang sudah maju saat ini, pesantren dan madrasah adalah cerminan dari keunggulan capaian keilmuan, intelektual dan kultural. Pemerintah sebagai pemangku kebijakans udah sepatutnya memberikan dukungan penuh secara politik agar pesantren dan madrasah bisa bersaing di tingkat dunia.

scholarly journals Forgotten Heroes: Family Planning Cadres in Politics of Sexuality in Surakarta (1973-1998)

2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 119
Author(s):  
Adi Putra Surya Wardhana
Keyword(s):  
Family Planning ◽  
Family Planning Program ◽  
New Order ◽  
Planning Program ◽  
Historical Method ◽  
Social Sphere ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Knowledge Agents

<p>This paper explains the role of cadres in family planning program (KB) at Surakarta. Family Planning program is the priority of New Order Government to reduce the rapid population growth rate. The program was initially difficult to be accepted by the community.<br />This is due to the values and norms of society that oppose birth restrictions. Therefore the government uses society approarch strategy by forming family planning cadres. This study uses historical method consist of heuristic, source critique, interpretation, and historiography. This research shows that family planning is a politics of sexuality constructed by the government. FP cadres became discourse knowledge agents of the New Order to achieve legitimacy. However, FP cadres consider that their activity is a service to the state. Their existence shows that women have great power in the social sphere amid patriarchal hegemony in Javanese society.</p>

A Constitutional Dictatorship

2021 ◽  
pp. 23-66
Author(s):  
Christophe Jaffrelot ◽  
Pratinav Anil
Keyword(s):  
Demographic Transition ◽  
World History ◽  
State Repression ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Common ◽  
Common Problems ◽  
The Government ◽  
Class Divisions

This chapter examines state repression and the discourse that served as its justification. It discusses the prime minister’s modus operandi of making democracy dependent on discipline and deeming any dissent to be anti-national. In 1971, she used a campaign slogan Garibi Hatao (Get Rid of Poverty) to justify the imposition of the state of emergency, claiming it was necessary to improve the lives of the poor. On the back of the 1971 election victory, laws such as the Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA), the Defence of India Act (DIR) and the Conservation of Foreign Exchange and Prevention of Smuggling Activities Act (COFEPOSA) were used to suppress all forms of dissent. The media was also censored and categorised by the government as either friendly, neutral or hostile. Linz’s typology is used in this chapter to describe the regime as a constitutional dictatorship. The chapter further states that the Emergency in India was not an anomaly as far as world history is concerned: many of India’s neighbours also drifted towards authoritarian rule. This is explained by the common problems they faced, including high unemployment; foreign dependence; growing rural–urban, regional and class divisions; and an incomplete demographic transition.

scholarly journals The Problem of Legal Equality in the Georgian Press of 1918-1921

enadakultura ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nanuli Talakhadze
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Republic Of Georgia ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Specific Direction ◽  
The Media ◽  
Legal Equality ◽  
The Government ◽  
Party Press ◽  
The One

The subject of research in 1918-1921 is the parameters of the functioning of the media during the period of the Independent republic of Georgia and processes that contributed to the creation of a pluralistic media climate in the country and the establishment of liberal-democratic values. One of the manisfestations of this is the issue of human rights and social equality, which we will discuss in a specific direction – in terms of gender.Based on the plurastic media envionment, based on the contextual analysis of relevant sources, archival and newspaper publications, we gave selected and studied the main print media of the leqding, ideologically different political parties of 1918-1921: Socia;-Democratic Worker’s Party newapaper “Unity” (1917-1921). The Federalist Party “People’s Affairs” (1917-1921) and the National Democrats – “Georgia” (1915-1921). We analyzed how adequately, with what visions and journalistic means these media outlets covered the feminist narrative.We focused on publications on the problems of women’s emancipation, as well as women authors, the number of which, althouigh small, they are quite professionally able to properly focus on gender issues and in-depth understanding of women’s social or political issues (N.Nakashidze, M.Toroshelidze, F.Josh and others).The resuklts of the research showed that the party press of 1918-1921, on the one hand, clearly reflected the positive steps taken by the government of the Independent Republic of Georgia at the legislative level to protect human rights and, in particular, the feminist direction. On the other hand, the government’s lack of interest in the problems of woman’s social or legal equality appeared in a negative light.

scholarly journals Film dan propaganda politik (studi atas film “g-30s/pki” dan “jagal”)

1970 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 70-91
Author(s):  
Mirnawati Mirnawati
Keyword(s):  
Public Perception ◽  
Study Data ◽  
The State ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Qualitative Descriptive ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Time Frames ◽  
Made In

This paper examines and compares two films with the theme of political events / history in 1965, namely Pengkhianatan G30S/PKI and Jagal. Both films have the same object but are produced in different time frames. Specifically this paper will parse and analyze how the two films view, tell and visualize events known as the G30S movement. This research is a qualitative descriptive study. Data obtained through observation and film observation and supported by sources from various literature relevant to the theme. The data is analyzed, critically compromised, and then narrated. The film is part of the media used to entertain the audience but the film has other function to spread propaganda. The film Pengkhianatan G30S/PKI, produced by the state in the New Order era, depicts that PKI is an enemy of the state and is trying to overthrow the government. This film is very massive and successfully led to public perception that the events occurred on 30 September 1965 were masterminded by PKI. Meanwhile, Jagal made in the post-reformation period was used to create a new perception that PKI was a victim of the incident.   Keywords: Films, Political Propaganda and Public Opinion

scholarly journals BUDI DAYA KELAPA DAN PEMASARAN KOPRA DI BUOL 1970-2019

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jhon Rivel Purba ◽  
Wilman Darsono Lumangino
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Global Market ◽  
New Order ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
Small Farmers ◽  
Historical Method ◽  
The People ◽  
Cultivation Process ◽  
The Government

As the price of copra increased in the global market, coconut cultivation in Buol received great attention in the early 20th century. During the New Order, the government paid attention again to people’s plantations, especially coconuts. Coconut cultivation was promoted in several areas, including Buol. This paper scrutinizes the cultivation process and development of copra production in Buol. The commodities were closely related because the cultivation process greatly affected the production of copra. This study used the historical method to suggest that the people of Buol were cultivating coconut because of its great benefits, including how easy it was to be processed. In addition, other findings of this study indicate that the price of copra at the plantation level was determined by interconnected factors such as the quality of copra, the marketing network, and the absence of koperasi (economic enterprise) as a market counterweight. The study also found that although they were seen as economic symbols for the Buolese, these two commodities did not contribute significantly to the welfare of Buolese, particularly the small farmers who do not have vast cultivating lands.

Fibrinolytic Activity of the Arterial Wall

1969 ◽  
Vol 21 (01) ◽  
pp. 001-011 ◽  
Author(s):  
K Onoyama ◽  
K Tanaka
Keyword(s):  
Carotid Artery ◽  
Fibrinolytic Activity ◽  
Arterial Wall ◽  
Aortic Wall ◽  
Internal Carotid ◽  
Atheromatous Plaque ◽  
Human Fibrinogen ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Common ◽  
Almost All

SummaryThe tissue fibrinolysis was studied in 550 specimens of 7 kinds of arteries from 80 fresh cadavers, using Astrup’s biochemical method and Todd’s histochemical method with human fibrinogen.In the microscopically normal aortic wall, almost all specimens had the fibrinolytic activity which was the strongest in the adventitia and the weakest in the media.The fibrinolytic activity seemed to be localized in the endothelium.The stronger activity lay in the adventitia of the aorta and the pulmonary artery and all layers of the cerebral artery.The activity of the intima and media of the macroscopically normal areas seemed to be stronger in the internal carotid artery than in the common carotid artery.Mean fibrinolytic activity of the macroscopically normal areas seemed to decrease with age in the intima and the media of the thoracic aorta and seemed to be low in the cases with a high atherosclerotic index.The fibrinolytic activities of all three layers of the fibrous thickened aorta seemed to decrease, and those of the media and the adventitia of the atheromatous plaque to increase.The fibrinolytic activity of the arterial wall might play some role in the progress of atherosclerosis.

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