scholarly journals Горняцкий национализм, никелевая промышленность и деколонизация в Новой Каледонии

2021 ◽  
pp. 49-61
Author(s):  
Кристина Деммер
Keyword(s):  
New Caledonia ◽  
Mirror Effect ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Mining Sector ◽  
Economic Resource ◽  
Overseas Country

Задача этой статьи – продемонстрировать, что шахты стали для канаков Новой Каледонии опытным полем деколонизации, параллельно с начатой 30 лет назад институциональной деколонизацией. Мы рассмотрим основные этапы и формы завоевания сторонниками независимости главного ресурса архипелага – никеля. Подчеркнем, что взятие ими под контроль мультинационального предприятия – Южнотихоокеанской горнодобывающей компании – глубоко изменило сектор горнодобычи, где новые металлургические гиганты теснят местные предприятия, экспортирующие сырье. Помимо этого, мы проанализируем особенности деколонизации этой заморской “страны” в свете референдумов о самоопределении, завершающих процесс национального освобождения, начатый подписанием Нумейских соглашений 1998 г. This article aims to explain that the mine in New Caledonia is for the Kanaks a “grassroots experience” of a decolonization initiated at the same time in institutions since about thirty years. It reminds the steps and the shapes of nickel conquest by independentists, which is the main economic resource of the archipelago. It highlights that the control of a multinational – SMSP – has profoundly reconfigured the mining sector, imposing new giant metallurgical firms against local export of ore firms. Based on contemporary mining landscape description, it examines as a mirror effect the singular decolonization situation going on in this ‘Overseas Country’ at the time of self-determination referendums closing the emancipation process acted in the “Nouméa agreement” of 1998.

Self-Determination Through Autonomy or Independence? – On the Current and Future Position of New Caledonia

ICL Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-105
Author(s):  
Markku Suksi
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
New Caledonia ◽  
Legal Order ◽  
The Self ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Normative Framework ◽  
European Court ◽  
Determination Process ◽  
The Right

Abstract New Caledonia is a colonial territory of France. Since the adoption of the Nouméa Accord in 1998, a period of transition towards the exercise of self-determination has been going on. New Caledonia is currently a strong autonomy, well entrenched in the legal order of France from 1999 on. The legislative powers have been distributed between the Congress of New Caledonia and the Parliament of France on the basis of a double enumeration of legislative powers, an arrangement that has given New Caledonia control over many material fields of self-determination. At the same time as this autonomy has been well embedded in the constitutional fabric of France. The Nouméa Accord was constitutionalized in the provisions of the Constitution of France and also in an Institutional Act. This normative framework created a multi-layered electorate that has presented several challenges to the autonomy arrangement and the procedure of self-determination, but the European Court of Human Rights and the UN Human Rights Committee have resolved the issues regarding the right to vote in manners that take into account the local circumstances and the fact that the aim of the legislation is to facilitate the self-determination of the colonized people, the indigenous Kanak people. The self-determination process consists potentially of a series of referendums, the first of which was held in 2018 and the second one in 2020. In both referendums, those entitled to vote returned a No-vote to the question of ‘Do you want New Caledonia to attain full sovereignty and become independent?’ A third referendum is to be expected before October 2022, and if that one also results in a no to independence, a further process of negotiations starts, with the potential of a fourth referendum that will decide the mode of self-determination New Caledonia will opt for, independence or autonomy.

Negotiating Free Association between Western Sahara and Morocco: A Comparative Legal Analysis of Formulas for Self-Determination

2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel J. Spector
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
New Caledonia ◽  
Free Association ◽  
Lessons Learned ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Actual State ◽  
Legal Analysis ◽  
Western Sahara ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Subject

AbstractThe proposal of new negotiation formulae in the midst of stalemated conflicts can help to reframe the problem and restart dialogue. They can also unleash new controversy. The Moroccan Initiative for Negotiating an Autonomy Statute for the Sahara Region is a formulaic proposal advanced by Morocco to describe the broad outlines for Sahrawi autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty. It has been the subject of debate within the international community since it was first introduced in April 2007. Until now, however, discussion of its efficacy as a formulaic basis for a negotiated resolution to the Western Sahara dispute has largely outweighed serious consideration of how the proposal relates to current understandings of international law concerning self-determination and free association. Like Western Sahara, the Cook Islands, Niue, Aceh, New Caledonia, and Bougainville are cases of non-self-governing territories and other high autonomy arrangements where there has been recognition of the need to substitute, as the basis for ending the conflict, a comprehensive negotiated political status, in place of frequently unworkable or unattractive alternatives such as a contentious referendum on independence, open-ended talks, or continued armed conflict. In light of the lessons learned from actual state practice and international responses in the foregoing cases, an assessment of the present Moroccan proposal demonstrates that with some improvements, it may offer a viable new starting point for negotiations. The result of using this plan as a formula to restart negotiations can be the attainment for Western Sahara of a full measure of self-government ‐ in a manner consistent with international law ‐ by means of free association.

How Empires Make Peripheries: ‘Overseas France’ in Contemporary History

2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 434-445
Author(s):  
Sarah L. Wood
Keyword(s):  
New Caledonia ◽  
Social Scientist ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Small Island ◽  
Minority Status ◽  
Contemporary History ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Turmoil ◽  
Independence Movements

The inhabitants of the overseas departments and collectivities of France have, of late, been reconsidering their relationships both to each other and to the former imperial metropole. In 2011 Mayotte, previously classified as an overseas collectivity, acceded to full French and European status as an overseas department of France following a referendum. This decision to, in the words of the social scientist François Taglioni, further ‘anchor’ the island in the republic has commonly been understood as a pragmatic decision as much as an ideological one. It was a way of distancing Mayotte from the political turmoil in neighbouring independent Comoros, as well as an indicator of the improbability of a small island nation achieving full sovereignty in a multipolar, resource hungry world. The narrative that self-determination must necessarily be obtained through national independence is still prevalent in the language of certain independence movements, including that of the Kanak people of New Caledonia. But it has been repeatedly tested at the ballot box, not least in November 2018 when New Caledonians voted in a referendum on their constitutional future. This referendum – and the further two due to follow it before 2022 – will be observed with interest by other self declared nations in waiting. Some anticipate, not a reclaiming of local sovereignty in the event of independence, but rather a transferral of economic hegemony from France to China, a prospect hinted at by Emmanuel Macron during a visit to Nouméa in 2018. However, the demographic minority status of the Kanak people whom the independentist Kanak and Socialist Liberation Front (Front de libération nationale kanak et socialiste;FLNKS) claims to represent, coupled with divisions within the movement, means it is very hard to predict the contours of a future independent New Caledonian state.

Emotions and voting behavior in self-determination referendums: the case of New Caledonia in 2018

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 ◽  
pp. 102251
Author(s):  
Sylvain Brouard ◽  
Pavlos Vasilopoulos ◽  
Samuel Gorohouna ◽  
Christoph Hönnige ◽  
Eric Kerrouche
Keyword(s):  
Voting Behavior ◽  
New Caledonia ◽  
Self Determination

scholarly journals The creation of new states through interim agreements: Ambiguous compromises, intra-communal divisions, and contested identities

2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (5) ◽  
pp. 667-680
Author(s):  
Nina Caspersen
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
New Caledonia ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
New States ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Separatist Movements ◽  
Joint State

For some separatist movements, interim agreements offer a possible route to recognized statehood. However, such agreements require these movements to compromise on their demand for immediate independence and risk the preservation of the joint state. How is this reconciled with their claim to self-determination and how is it received by the community they claim to represent? This article examines four post-Cold War cases where an interim agreement has been accepted (New Caledonia, Bougainville, Montenegro and South Sudan). It finds that interim agreements are more easily accepted when the community is significantly divided on the issue of independence and when an inclusive and flexible construction of the community predominates. Somewhat paradoxically, this suggests that new states are more likely to emerge in cases without a determined, cohesive, ethnically defined demand for independence.

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