scholarly journals Major Leadership Features of the Peace Process in Colombia

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-87
Author(s):  
Adriana Calderon
Keyword(s):  
Leadership Styles ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Political Learning ◽  
Factors Associated ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Patriarchal Culture ◽  
Colombian Government ◽  
Leadership Components

This article examines the main leadership components of peace negotiations between the Colombian Government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) in Havana, Cuba. It identifies the leadership factors associated with the success of the four-year peace process that started in 2012; while comparing it to previous peace dialogues in Colombia to draw out the political learning process. The hypothesis is that three components, namely political learning in its complexity, the inclusion of women, and the inclusion of victims, have been crucial for the success of the peace process. Firstly, the concept of political learning is understood as materialising as a political leadership function. Second, in an idiosyncratic and to some extent patriarchal culture like Colombia’s, it is essential to examine the role of women in the peacebuilding process as engaging negotiators and mediators, rather than as only being passively exposed to politics. Third, the inclusion of victims in peace negotiations was an uncommon decision, and it appears to have eased the Accords. This article also contends that leadership as process, and in particular leadership styles, are fundamental to understanding the complexity that led to ending the world’s longest-running civil war.

Securing Participation and Protection in Peace Agreements

2018 ◽  
pp. 460-474
Author(s):  
Isabela Marín Carvajal ◽  
Eduardo Álvarez-Vanegas
Keyword(s):  
Peace Process ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Structural Factors ◽  
Research Experience ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Meaningful Participation ◽  
Peace Agreements ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Colombian Government ◽  
Decision Making Processes

Women’s participation in the Colombian peace process constitutes an outstanding case in comparison with other peace negotiations processes, due to the efforts made by unofficial actors. Nevertheless, during the negotiation period, selective violence against social leaders increased, affecting their mobilizations and capacity to meaningful contribute. This chapter critically evaluates developments in scholarship and policymaking that considers the WPS pillars of participation and protection and their inclusion in peace agreements. To do so, the chapter draws upon the case of the Havana peace process, led by the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Columbia (FARC), between 2012 and 2016. The analysis derives from a research experience at the Fundación Ideas para la Paz (Bogotá, Colombia), exploring women’s participation in Columbia’s peace negotiations. Drawing on examples from the Colombian case, the chapter demonstrates the importance of accounting for women’s preexisting forms of participation and knowledge. It also argues that affirmative measures that encourage women’s meaningful participation in peace negotiations will be ineffective if the underlying structural factors that exclude women from decision-making processes more broadly remain unaddressed.

scholarly journals The effects of armed conflict on forest cover changes across temporal and spatial scales in the Colombian Amazon

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Oscar V. Bautista-Cespedes ◽  
Louise Willemen ◽  
Augusto Castro-Nunez ◽  
Thomas A. Groen
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Forest Cover ◽  
Spatial Scales ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Forest Cover Changes ◽  
The Government ◽  
Colombian Amazon

AbstractThe Amazon rainforest covers roughly 40% of Colombia’s territory and has important global ecological functions. For more than 50 years, an internal war in the country has shaped this region. Peace negotiations between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) initiated in 2012 resulted in a progressive de-escalation of violence and a complete ceasefire in 2016. This study explores the role of different deforestation drivers including armed conflict variables, in explaining deforestation for three periods between 2001 and 2015. Iterative regression analyses were carried out for two spatial extents: the entire Colombian Amazon and a subset area which was most affected by deforestation. The results show that conflict variables have positive relationships with deforestation; yet, they are not among the main variables explaining deforestation. Accessibility and biophysical variables explain more variation. Nevertheless, conflict variables show divergent influence on deforestation depending on the period and scale of analysis. Based on these results, we develop deforestation risk maps to inform the design of forest conservation efforts in the post-conflict period.

scholarly journals Complexities and Context: Women's Peace-Building in Conflict and Post-Conflict Bougainville

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Dylan Page
Keyword(s):  
Peace Process ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Peace Building ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Peace And Conflict Studies ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Context Specific

<p>The potential role of women in conflict and post-conflict environments has been the subject of much debate in the field of peace and conflict studies. In 2000 the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1325, which called for a greater involvement of women and acknowledgement of gender issues in conflict and post-conflict environments, and this has led to further discussion about what this might mean and how it might be implemented. Despite this women are continually under-represented in nearly all peace processes and there is no universally agreed upon way to ensure this situation does not come about. The barriers women face range from cultural to logistical and economic, and surmounting them can be hard to achieve.  One case where women have been involved at all levels in the peace process with substantial success is the Pacific island of Bougainville, where a conflict over mining issues and secession from Papua New Guinea was waged from 1988-1997. Women were active in attempts to bring all parties to negotiations during the conflict and have also been heavily involved in the continuing reconciliation and healing processes. For cultural reasons Bougainvillean women were well placed to perform the role of peace-builders but that is not to say that they did not face challenges and barriers to their involvement. This thesis examines the involvement of women in both the immediate peace negotiations and the longer-term aspects of the peace process in Bougainville in order explain how and why they enjoyed these successes and what lessons can be learnt from this case in regards to the potential roles of women in other post-conflict environments. Four factors will be identified as key to women's involvement in the peace process: the history of Bougainville up to and including the conflict; the grassroots mobilisation and organisation of women; the traditional cultural roles of women in Bougainville; and the identification of women with motherhood and its associated traits.  These factors indicate that the involvement of women in peace processes is highly context-specific and although there are policies which can be pursued to encourage their participation the potential barriers to this are imposing.</p>

scholarly journals Women, peace and international security: the Havana Agreement for peace in Colombia

2019 ◽  
pp. 73-90
Author(s):  
Elena DE OLIVEIRA SCHUCK ◽  
Lívia BRITO
Keyword(s):  
International Security ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Peace Agreements ◽  
Specific Analysis ◽  
The Government

Armed conflicts have different impacts on women. In this regard, women’s civil society organizations are inserted in the international political arenas in order to guarantee their rights in warfare contexts. In the case of conflicts in Colombia, women are identified not only as combatants and victims, but also as members of women civil organizations for peacebuilding. These organizations played a prominent role in the elaboration of the peace agreement between the Government of Colombia and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) in Havana, Cuba, between 2012 and 2016. This article proposes an analysis of the theoretical production on peace, international security, feminism and subalternity, to present the specific case of the conflict in Colombia and its gender perspectives. The results indicate that peace agreements can be instruments of political inclusion and reparation for women affected by armed conflicts. In highlighting the role of political minorities in the international peace negotiations in Colombia, this research contributes to the development and expansion of critical perspectives —feminist and subaltern— on international security and studies for peace. Moreover, building upon the specific analysis of the Havana Agreement, this paper aims to contribute to the inclusion of a gender perspective in future peace agreements.

“Spoiling” in the Public Sphere: Political Opposition to Peace Negotiations and the Referendum Campaign in Colombia

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Joana Amaral
Keyword(s):  
Peace Process ◽  
Public Information ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Impact

Abstract Peace referendums can be exploited by political actors who may gain politically from opposing a peace process. This article explores how political opposition affects peace negotiations, particularly when a referendum is used to ratify an agreement, through the study of the Colombian peace negotiations between the government of President Santos and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). It finds that the exclusive character of the negotiations, coupled with their confidentiality, contributed to the political opposition’s capacity to influence public opinion against the peace process and to reject the peace agreement in the 2016 referendum. This qualitative study is based on the content analysis of reports, memoirs and interviews with key negotiation delegates, journalists and representatives of the referendum campaigns. It argues that political inclusion in peace negotiations can help prevent referendum spoiling, while public information and education during the negotiations can reduce the impact of disinformation and manipulation campaigns.

The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and Its Aftermath

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oscar Palma
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The Political ◽  
Security Forces ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Colombian Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Hybrid Group

The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia—FARC) was an insurgent group that emerged in the 1960s as a consequence of struggles between the Conservatives and the Liberals, as well as the consolidation of a Communist party that promoted an armed insurrection. A relative absence of state institutions in farther regions, the uneven distribution of land, and an impoverished peasant class were elements fueling rebellious movements. By the 1980s, however, FARC had become something more complex than an insurgent organization. After initially opposing the idea, the group accepted the generation of income through the taxation of activities in the cocaine-illicit economy. An unprecedented process of growth experienced by the insurgency, with this income, allowed a remarkable offensive against the security forces, in specific regions, by the end of the 1990s. Since then, an explanation of the organization as a “pure” political insurgency would be inaccurate; the motivation and purpose of some fighters within the group was profit. Although an explanation radically separating political and criminal (economic) agendas may be flawed, at least a concept which portrays the organization as something more than just an insurgency seems helpful. The concept of hybrid group, in which armed, political, and criminal dimensions coexist, invites exploring different types of motivations, purposes, and tasks that fighters might have. The observation of these dimensions also contributes to an understanding of the evolution of FARC after the Havana Agreement. A strong military offensive during the 2000s was one of the factors motivating the group to engage in peace negotiations with the Colombian government. With the Agreement, FARC as an armed insurgency ceased to exist, but the continuation of factors which motivated the existence of a hybrid group have triggered the emergence of a myriad of smaller groups, several of which claim to be the real successors of FARC, mixing in diverse ways the political and criminal agendas.

scholarly journals The Role of Civil Society Actors in Peacemaking: The Case of Guatemala

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-64
Author(s):  
Roddy Brett
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
The State ◽  
Peace Studies ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
Liberal Peace

This article builds upon recent scholarship in critical peace studies that focuses on the role of civil society actors in formal peacemaking processes, in short, peace talks, and post-conflict peacebuilding. The article specifically explores the role of civil society actors in the Guatemalan peace process. The research addresses the possible tensions and potential complementarities in processes where civil society enjoys a mandated role in centralised, formal peace negotiations carried out between the state and armed actors in talks levied within the liberal peace framework. In the case of Guatemala, non-state actors participated to an unprecedented extent in the peace negotiations, and Guatemala has not relapsed into armed conflict. However, post-conflict Guatemala is a violent and unstable country. Consequently, the study challenges the assumption that peacemaking is necessarily more successful in those instances where provisions have been established to guarantee the participation of civil society.

Poor peacebuilding risks power vacuums in Colombia

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Aid ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Aid Workers ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Framework Agreement ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Local Populations ◽  
Colombian Government ◽  
The Government

Subject Shadow governance in Colombia. Significance On March 30, the Colombian government and the National Liberation Army (ELN) signed a framework agreement in Caracas formally to launch peace talks. Meanwhile, negotiations between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) are in their final stages. The coordination of negotiations with Colombia's two leftist guerrilla groups is crucial in ensuring the security and stability of their territorial strongholds after they make peace. Impacts Necessary peacebuilding cooperation with guerrillas will leave the government open to attacks from the opposition and peace process critics. The success of foreign aid workers will depend on their building local democratic capacities rather than assisting the government. State efforts to tackle BACRIM encroachment by force could destroy any hard-won legitimacy with local populations.

scholarly journals Conflict Externalization and the Quest for Peace: Theory and Case Evidence from Colombia

2020 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hector Galindo-Silva
Keyword(s):  
Peace Process ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Costs And Benefits ◽  
Domestic Conflict ◽  
International Dispute ◽  
Colombian Government ◽  
Rebel Group ◽  
The Government ◽  
Foreign Actor ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractI study the relationship between the likelihood of a violent domestic conflict and the risk that such a conflict “externalizes” (i.e. spreads to another country by creating an international dispute). I consider a situation in which a domestic conflict between a government and a rebel group has the potential to externalize. I show that the risk of externalization increases the likelihood of a peaceful outcome, but only if the government is sufficiently powerful relative to the rebels, the risk of externalization is sufficiently high, and the foreign actor who can intervene in the domestic conflict is sufficiently uninterested in material costs and benefits. I show how this model helps to understand the recent and successful peace process between the Colombian government and the country’s most powerful rebel group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).

scholarly journals CAMPUR TANGAN ASING di INDONESIA : CRISIS MANAGEMENT INITIATIVE DALAM PENYELESAIAN KONFLIK ACEH (2005-2012)

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
Eka Auliana Pratiwi
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Crisis Management ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
New Approach ◽  
Indonesian Government ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Free Aceh Movement ◽  
Historical Methodology ◽  
The Impact

Tulisan ini memuat peranan Crisis Management Initiative dalam Penyelesaian Konflik antara Gerakan Aceh Merdeka dengan Pemerintah Indonesia (2005-2012)”. Setelah pemerintah Indonesia menggunakan pendekatan militer untuk menyelesaikan konflik yang terjadi di Aceh namun menemui jalan buntu, maka pemerintah Indonesia menggunakan pendekatan baru dengan menggunakan pendekatan dialog dan menghadirkan pihak ketiga sebagai mediator. Pada masa pemerintahan Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004-  2009) terdapat perubahan lembaga dalam penyelesaian konflik Aceh, yakni mempercayakan NGO asal Finlandia yaitu “Crisis Management Initatiative” sebagai mediator dalam penyelesaian konflik Aceh. Masalah utama yang dibahas dalam skripsi ini adalah “Bagaimana Peranan Crisis Management Initiative dalam Penyelesaian Konflik antara Gerakan Aceh Merdeka dengan Pemerintah Indonesia 2005-2012?”. Masalah  utama tersebut kemudian disusun menjadi tiga pertanyaan penelitian, yaitu (1). Bagaimana pengaruh GAM terhadap konflik Aceh, (2) Apakah latar belakang terpilihnya CMI sebagai mediator, (3) Bagaimana proses perdamaian yang dimediasi oleh CMI, (4) Bagaimana dampak dari hasil perundingan damai dalam aspek sosial, ekonomi dan politik di Aceh. Adapun tujuan penelitian ini yaitu menganalisis latar belakang terbentuknya GAM, menganalisis latar belakang pemilihan CMI sebagai mediator dan proses perdamaian yang dimediasi oleh CMI, serta menjelaskan dampak perundingan bagi masyarakat Aceh. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode historis yaitu meliputi pengumpulan sumber, kritik sumber, interpretasi dan historiografi.  Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah (1) GAM terbentuk karena adanya kekecewaan masyarakat Aceh terhadap kebijakan Pemerintah Indonesia , (2) CMI merupakan NGO yang bergerak di bidang resolusi konflik, (3) Musibah tsunami berpengaruh terhadap proses perdamaian, (4) proses perdamaian dilakukan sebanyak lima putaran, (4) CMI berhasil menyatukan keinginan kedua belah pihak.Kata Kunci : Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, Konflik,Crisis Management Initiative, Pemerintah Indonesia.This article examines the role of  "Crisis Management Initiative in Conflict Resolution between the Free Aceh Movement and the Indonesian Government (2005-2012)". After the Indonesian government used a military approach to resolve the conflict in Aceh but was deadlocked, then Indonesian government used a new approach by using a dialogue approach and presenting third parties as mediators. During the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004-2009) there was a change in the institution to resolve the Aceh conflict, both sides entrusting a NGO and namely as “Crisis Management Initatiative” as a mediator. The main issue of this thesis is "How was the Role of Crisis Management Initiative in the Conflict Resolution between the Free Aceh Movement and the Indonesian Government 2005-2012?". Then it’s developed into four research questions: (1) How about GAM’s impact in Aceh conflict, (2) What isthe background of CMI's election as a mediator, (3) How was the peace process which is mediated by CMI, (4) What were the impact of the results by peace negotiations on social, economic and political aspects in Aceh. The purpose of this research is to analyze the impact of GAM in Aceh conflict, analyze the reason of CMI’s selection as a mediator and the peace process mediated by CMI, and the last was  to find out the impact of negotiations for the Aceh people. The methodology that is used in this research is historical methodology which consists of finding references (heuristic), criticizing the references, interpretating the references and historiography. therefore the results of the research are (1)  GAM was formed because of the disappointed Acehnese people towards the policies by Indonesian Government, (2) CMI was a NGO which focuss in conflict resolution, (3) tsunami’s disaster have impact on peace proccess (4) the peace process was carried out in five rounds, (4) CMI succeeded to unite both side’s pretension.Keywords : Free Aceh Movement, Conflict, Crisis Management Initiativ, Indonesian Government.

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