Sentence comprehension and morphological cues in aphasia: What eye-tracking reveals about integration and prediction

2015 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 83-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Hanne ◽  
Frank Burchert ◽  
Ria De Bleser ◽  
Shravan Vasishth
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane Caroline Meziere ◽  
Lili Yu ◽  
Erik Reichle ◽  
Titus von der Malsburg ◽  
Genevieve McArthur

Research on reading comprehension assessments suggests that they measure overlapping but not identical cognitive skills. In this paper, we examined the potential of eye-tracking as a tool for assessing reading comprehension. We administered three widely-used reading comprehension tests with varying task demands to 79 typical adult readers while monitoring their eye movements. In the York Assessment for Reading Comprehension (YARC), participants were given passages of text to read silently, followed by comprehension questions. In the Gray Oral Reading Test (GORT-5), participants were given passages of text to read aloud, followed by comprehension questions. In the sentence comprehension subtest of the Wide Range Achievement Test (WRAT-4), participants were given sentences with a missing word to read silently, and had to provide the missing word (i.e., a cloze task). Results from linear models predicting comprehension scores from eye-tracking measures yielded different patterns of results between the three tests. Models with eye-tracking measures always explained significantly more variance compared to baseline models with only reading speed, with R-squared 4 times higher for the YARC, 3 times for the GORT, and 1.3 times for the WRAT. Importantly, despite some similarities between the tests, no common good predictor of comprehension could be identified across the tests. Overall, the results suggest that reading comprehension tests do not measure the same cognitive skills to the same extent, and that participants adapted their reading strategies to the tests’ varying task demands. Finally, this study suggests that eye-tracking may provide a useful alternative for measuring reading comprehension.


Lingua ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 228 ◽  
pp. 102708 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erin K. Robertson ◽  
Jennifer E. Gallant

Cortex ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 68 ◽  
pp. 33-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Corinna E. Bonhage ◽  
Jutta L. Mueller ◽  
Angela D. Friederici ◽  
Christian J. Fiebach

2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (10) ◽  
pp. 1320-1343 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miren Arantzeta ◽  
Roelien Bastiaanse ◽  
Frank Burchert ◽  
Martijn Wieling ◽  
Maite Martinez-Zabaleta ◽  
...  

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 111
Author(s):  
Daniela Ronca ◽  
Vincenzo Moscati

In this paper we observe the time-course and the activation of gender stereotypes comparing the predictions of two competing models: the Minimalist (McKoon et al., 1992) and the Mental Model Hypothesis (Garnham 2001). The on-line processing of sentences containing male-biased stereotypes is experimentally investigated in Italian on epicenes nouns (i.e. nouns that do not morphologically disambiguate between male and female referents) adopting a procedure based on the Visual World paradigm.Eye-movements during sentence comprehension show that stereotypes become immediately active as soon as male-biased role nouns are encountered, as predicted by the Mental Model Hypothesis. Our results also show that when disambiguating cues based on morphological agreement are provided, the activation of stereotypes is blocked. This indicates that morphological gender is quickly processed and that it can suppress stereotypical gender biases.


2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (5) ◽  
pp. 587-607
Author(s):  
Carolina A. Gattei ◽  
Yamila Sevilla ◽  
Ángel J. Tabullo ◽  
Alejandro J. Wainselboim ◽  
Luis A. París ◽  
...  

PLoS ONE ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (10) ◽  
pp. e0164627 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jana Annina Müller ◽  
Dorothea Wendt ◽  
Birger Kollmeier ◽  
Thomas Brand

2020 ◽  
pp. 002383092097470
Author(s):  
Gábor Müller ◽  
Emese Bodnár ◽  
Stavros Skopeteas ◽  
Julia Marina Kröger

Thematic-role assignment is influenced by several classes of cues during sentence comprehension, ranging from morphological exponents of syntactic relation such as case and agreement to probabilistic cues such as prosody. The effect of these cues cross-linguistically varies, presumably reflecting their language-specific robustness in signaling thematic roles. However, language-specific frequencies are not mapped onto the cue strength in a one-to-one fashion. The present article reports two eye-tracking studies on Hungarian examining the interaction of case and prosody during the processing of case-unambiguous (Experiment 1) and case-ambiguous (Experiment 2) clauses. Eye fixations reveal that case is a strong cue for thematic role assignment, but stress only enhances the effect of case in case-unambiguous clauses. This result differs from findings reported for Italian and German in which case initial stress reduces the expectation for subject-first clauses. Furthermore, the sentence comprehension facts are not explained by corpus frequencies in Hungarian. After considering an array of hypotheses about the roots of cross-linguistic variation, we conclude that the crucial difference lies in the high reliability/availability of case cues in Hungarian in contrast to the further languages examined within this experimental paradigm.


Diacrítica ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-115
Author(s):  
Michele Calil dos Santos Alves

Coreference is a syntactic dependency in which pronouns are bound to previous referents in discourse. Granted that antecedents of anaphors must be retrieved from memory in coreference, the aim of this research is to provide more information on how pronominal antecedents are retrieved, and more precisely to clarify the role of gender cues in pronominal antecedent retrieval when gender morphology is overt. Since Portuguese is a language with visible morphology, speakers of this language are used to rely on agreement cues to process language. The results of two eye-tracking experiments conducted with native speakers of Brazilian Portuguese demonstrated that both binding structural constraints and gender morphological cues are equally important in antecedent retrieval in memory throughout processing. In addition, the results indicated that semantic gender seemed to weigh more in memory than grammatical gender since structurally unacceptable candidates carrying semantic gender caused more interference effects than grammatical gender.


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