Dissolving the A/A-bar distinction: A feature inheritance based account of preverbal DP in NSLs

Lingua ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 208 ◽  
pp. 44-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ameen Alahdal
Keyword(s):  
Feature Inheritance

scholarly journals A feature-inheritance approach to root phenomena and parametric variation

Lingua ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 145 ◽  
pp. 276-302 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ángel L. Jiménez-Fernández ◽  
Shigeru Miyagawa
Keyword(s):  
Parametric Variation ◽  
Feature Inheritance

On C-T Feature Inheritance

2014 ◽  
Vol 77 ◽  
pp. 21-53
Author(s):  
Jaecheol Lee ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Feature Inheritance

Wh-agreement in Ojibwe relative clauses: Evidence for CP Structure

2013 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-318 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bethany Lochbihler ◽  
Eric Mathieu
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Show Evidence ◽  
Special Morphology ◽  
Feature Inheritance

AbstractThis article discusses the morphological and syntactic structure of relative clauses in Ojibwe (Algonquian), in particular their status as wh-constructions. Relatives in this language are full clauses that bear special morphology, show evidence of A′-movement of a wh-operator, and consequently exhibit wh-agreement also found in interrogatives and certain types of focus constructions. Ojibwe shows the possibility of wh-agreement realized on T (in addition to C and v for other languages), as it appears on tense prefixes. We account for the realization of wh-agreement on T in Ojibwe via the mechanism of feature inheritance. We propose that while declarative matrix clauses are canonical in that C introduces φ-features in Ojibwe, the role of C in embedded or wh-contexts is to introduce δ-features (discourse features), such as [uwh], rather than φ-features. These δ-features can be introduced by C, but are transferred down to T where they spell out as wh-agreement.

scholarly journals Prepositional Phrases in Modern Standard Arabic: An Agree-Based Analysis

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 884-891
Author(s):  
Ahmad Ismail Assiri
Keyword(s):  
Modern Standard Arabic ◽  
Prepositional Phrases ◽  
Standard Arabic ◽  
Inheritance Model ◽  
Feature Inheritance ◽  
Traditional Grammar ◽  
Genitive Case ◽  
Case Feature ◽  
Modern Standard

Prepositions, in Arabic traditional grammar literature, have been analyzed as Genitive Case assigners (Hasan, 1976; Sibaweihi, n.d.). This paper presents a phase-based analysis for prepositions (Ps) in Modern Standard Arabic (MSA). The analysis is built on Chomsky's (2005, 2008) Feature-Inheritance model of Agree. In this proposed analysis, Prepositional Phrases (PPs) in MSA are analyzed as phases, where a Probe-Goal relation is established between the prepositional Probe p-P and the DP in its searching domain (i.e., its complement). The outcome of this relation is valuation of the unvalued Case feature on this DP complement (i.e., Genitive Case), and a similar valuation to the unvalued phi-features (φ-fs) on the Probe p-P.

scholarly journals On the Notion of Feature Inheritance

2011 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-154
Author(s):  
양동휘
Keyword(s):  
Feature Inheritance

On embedded contrastive focus in Mandarin Chinese

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-118
Author(s):  
Chih-hsiang Shu
Keyword(s):  
Mandarin Chinese ◽  
Contrastive Focus ◽  
Site Analysis ◽  
Association With Focus ◽  
Empirical Coverage ◽  
Theoretical Assumptions ◽  
Multiple Agree ◽  
Alternative Approaches ◽  
Feature Inheritance

Abstract This article investigates the previously undocumented focus-sensitiveness of certain scope-bearing expressions in Mandarin, and argues that the syntactic effects of this property should be accommodated by a structure that involves multiple dependencies and inherited dependencies. At the empirical side, it is shown that in Mandarin, certain quantificational expressions as well as typical focusing adverbs have to occur at positions where they (i) c‑command and (ii) be as close as possible to the contrastive foci that they associate with. The similarity to the typical association-with-focus configurations is captured under a unified Agree analysis that incorporated previous variable-adjunction-site analysis for focusing particles in German, while the additional dependencies in these structures are accounted for by multiple Agree and feature inheritance. This analysis is compared with some alternative approaches, which do not have equal empirical coverage or require more complex theoretical assumptions.

How Subjects and Possessors Can Obviate Phasehood

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-55
Author(s):  
Nick Huang
Keyword(s):  
General Theory ◽  
Nominal Data ◽  
Value Transfer ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Feature Inheritance ◽  
Acceptability Judgment

Recent proposals on phases claim that locality restrictions are obviated when the subject of a clausal phase has certain syntactic or discourse properties, suggesting that phasehood is acquired over the course of a derivation. I evaluate these claims with acceptability judgment experiments and argue that these phase-related locality effects can be derived from independently motivated principles, such as Feature Inheritance / Value–Transfer Simultaneity or the Principle of Minimal Compliance. I further point out similar effects with possessors and nominals in English, expanding the empirical domain. The nominal data constitute a novel argument for treating nominals as phases and strengthen the case for a general theory of phases that can account for these effects.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document