Une conception sociopolitique de la nation

Dialogue ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 435-471 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michel Seymour
Keyword(s):  
General Framework ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Common Language ◽  
Language History ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
The World ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Conceptual Pluralism ◽  
Different Origin

AbstractI submit what, I believe, is a fairly new definition of the nation, one which I call the sociopolitical conception. I try to avoid as much as possible the traditional dichotomy between the exclusively civic and ethnic accounts, and try to explain my reasons for doing so. I also adopt as a general framework a certain conceptual pluralism which allows me to use many different concepts of the nation. After that, I proceed by formulating some constraints on any acceptable new definition. My own sociopolitical conception is then finally introduced. The sociopolitical nation is a political community, most often composed, sociologically, of a national majority, national minorities, and individuals with other national origins. The concept of national majority is crucial for the account and refers to the largest sample in the world of a given population sharing a common language, history, and culture. National minorities are defined as extensions of neighbouring nations, while individuals of other national origins are those members of ethnic minorities that have come from immigration. There would be no sociopolitical nation if there were no national majority, but this is compatible with a pluricultural and multi-ethnic view of the nation, since the political community may also include national minorities and individuals with a different origin. I end the article by showing that this definition meets the constraints that were initially introduced.

Who Changes the World

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia Leeb
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Subject ◽  
The World ◽  
Mind And Body ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Definition Of

“Who Changes the World: The Political Subject-in-Outline” introduces the idea of the political subject-in-outline to creatively engage with the tension between the exclusionary character of the political subject and its necessity for agency. It explains why giving up on the subject altogether or theorizing it as a constantly shifting entity is implicated in the project of capitalism, and acknowledges the necessity of defining a political subject to critique and transform capitalism. Yet its outline reminds people that any definition of the political subject must remain permanently open for contestation to avoid its exclusionary character. This chapter also explains that the subject-in-outline aims to establish a mediated relation between the universal and particular, as well as mind and body. Furthermore, it shows that the idea of a political subject-in-outline can help people avoid alienation, instrumental relations, and the coldness of love in capitalism.

scholarly journals The Real Western War of Religion

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 17-29
Author(s):  
Kenneth L. Grasso ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Essential Role ◽  
Culture Wars ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Real ◽  
Space And Time ◽  
Religious Dimension ◽  
The World ◽  
The City

Steven D. Smith’s Pagans and Christians in the City takes its place alongside James Davison Hunter’s Culture Wars as one of the two truly indispensable books on today’s Culture Wars. It advances our understanding of today’s conflict by situating it historically and focusing our attention on its religious dimension. Smith argues that today’s conflict is the latest episode in a longstanding conflict between immanent forms of religiosity which locate the sacred in the world of space and time, and transcendent forms of religiosity which locate the divine beyond space and time. As compelling as it is, the volume’s argument would have been strengthened by a more sustained treatment of the nature of the political community and the essential role played within it by the truths held in common by the members concerning God, man, nature, and history.

Is Ukraine a Political Community?1

1998 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Zimmerman
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Regional Differences ◽  
Industrial Structure ◽  
Community Building ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The World ◽  
Differential Exposure

The effects of divergent historical experiences, of differential exposure to the world outside the former Soviet Union, and of divergent industrial structure–all point in the direction of enormous attitudinal and evaluative cleavages across the regions of Ukraine. When we compare regional differences in perspectives on the political economy in Ukraine and views about whether Russia and Ukraine should be separate states, these differences are readily discernible. By extending the scope of items examined and by making explicit comparisons between data from Ukrainian and Russian samples, however, we achieve a somewhat more optimistic view about the prospects for community building in Ukraine. The relatively consensual assessment of citizenship conditions and the wide range of foreign policy matters about which dispositions of Ukrainians are separable from those of persons from regions reported in this paper provide some evidence of an emerging Ukranian political community.

Socjalizacja i edukacja polityczna, jako ważne determinanty kultury politycznej

2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (16) ◽  
pp. 31-51
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Piwnicki
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Literal Sense ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Definition Of

It is recognized that politics is a part of social life, that is why it is also a part of culture. In this the political culture became in the second half of the twentieth century the subject of analyzes of the political scientists in the world and in Poland. In connection with this, political culture was perceived as a component of culture in the literal sense through the prism of all material and non-material creations of the social life. It has become an incentive to expand the definition of the political culture with such components as the political institutions and the system of socialization and political education. The aim of this was to strengthen the democratic political system by shifting from individual to general social elements.

The Decline of the Social

2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 463-474
Author(s):  
Alain Touraine
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
State Intervention ◽  
Philosophy Of History ◽  
Social Representation ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Industrial Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World ◽  
Definition Of

It is impossible to define sociology other than by reference to ill-defined entities like society or the social. Nevertheless, it seems necessary nowadays to ask the question explicitly, whether these referents have relevant meaningful contents. The idea of society has been profoundly reformist or reforming. Wherever the political system has become open and more complex, and state intervention in economic life has expanded, the field of sociology itself has expanded to the point where we can speak of the triumph of a sociological vision of the world. Industrial society was a complete historical construction, defined by a morality, a philosophy of history and various forms of solidarity. The idea of society was never more closely associated with those of production and social justice. Now, we no longer live our collective life in purely “social” terms nor expect social answers to our problems. The decomposition of the idea of society, set off by the fragmentation of the world in which that idea developed, got worse. The current predominance of the theme of globalization has been accelerating the decline of the “social” representation of public life. The time has come to reconstruct sociology, no longer on the basis of what we thought was a definition of the social and of society, but on the basis of the explosion of those ensembles which had been thought to be solid, and of the attempts to reconstruct the space in which subjects can reconstitute a fabric of consensus, compromise and conflict.

scholarly journals Az 1868-as nemzetiségi törvény és a politikai nemzet koncepciójának utólagos értékelése

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-106
Author(s):  
Boldizsár Szentgáli-Tóth ◽  
Anna Gera
Keyword(s):  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Literature ◽  
Academic Literature ◽  
The Core ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
Ex Post ◽  
The Status ◽  
Post Assessment ◽  
Point Of Reference

In our study, we attempt to provide a broad picture about the views of those authors who assessed the nationality concept of Ferenc Deák and József Eötvös, and through this analysis we would clarify how diverse approaches of the same issue might exist within the academic literature. We rely on the main relevant sources drafted under different political regimes: from the dualist period, Béla Grünwald, Lajos Mocsáry, and Oszkár Jászi are highlighted; from the era between the two world wars, Gyula Szekfű, Imre Mikó, and Kálmán Molnár will be cited; while the communist approach would be represented by Erzsébet Fazekas and Gábor Kemény G. Apart from the most influential Hungarian scholars, some authors from the neighbouring countries and the mainstream contemporary international literature on the status of national minorities will be also referred to. The core of our research is not the evaluation of the 1868 Act on nationalities or its application itself but the ex-post assessment of the political nation concept provided by Deák and Eötvös, which was a point of reference for the whole contemporary Hungarian political community and which also determined the logic of the 1868 Act on nationalities.

scholarly journals The Loss of Diversity in the Anthropocene Biological and Cultural Dimensions

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Hylland Eriksen
Keyword(s):  
Biological Diversity ◽  
Cultural Dimensions ◽  
National Identities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Groups ◽  
Late 20Th Century ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
The World ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Economic Globalisation

Theories of nationalism emphasise its standardising effects. Ernest Gellner compared the pre-nationalist world to a painting by Kokoschka (a colour extravaganza) and the world of nationalism as one by Modigliani (calm, monochrome surfaces), while Benedict Anderson showed how the standardisation of language through the medium of printing was a condition for shared national identities. In this article, homogenisation remains a concern, but the empirical framework differs from that of late 20th century theory. Taking its cue from Charles Mann’s 1493, a study of the world after Columbus where the term Homogenocene was proposed, the article shows how homogenisation is a key element in modernity, and analyses some implications of its recent acceleration. The effects of economic globalisation are detrimental to both biological and cultural diversity, since the Anthropocene era does not only refer to a reduction of biological diversity but also the incorporation of cultural groups into market economies, the loss of languages and of traditional livelihoods. The article then briefly surveys some responses to the upscaling of economies, the flattening of ecosystems and the growing power of corporations. The loss of flexibility is countered in a number of ways, from attempts to restore damaged ecosystems to groups defending their cultural and political autonomy. The analysis argues for a broad definition of politics (seen as the political), thereby questioning the ability of the state to solve the dilemma, which is a dual one relating simultaneously to cultural and biological loss. The conclusion is that upscaling (e.g., to the global system) is usually part of the problem rather than the solution, and that sideways scaling may address the shortcomings of downscaling (e.g., to the community level).

Ethnic Conflict: A Political Analysis of 1437 Transylvania

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather Sarsons
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Large Impact ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Analysis ◽  
Laws And Policies ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Peasant Revolt

Transylvania was, in 1437, a political community in which the interests of only a select few were represented. The definition of who belonged to the political community had a large impact on whose interests were reflected in the laws and policies that were set at the time. The presence of three distinct ethnic groups, the Romanians, the Magyars, and the Saxons, complicated this definition and, in consequence, whose interests would be represented. Although both were ethnic minorities, the Magyars and the Saxons held the majority of the political power in 1437 (Domonkos, 1983). Cultural friction between the Magyars and the Romanians resulted in the Magyars using their positions to deny the Romanians participation in politics, thereby preventing the Romanian culture from having any influence in Transylvania (Otetea, 1985). This paper examines the effects that the deprivation of political representation for the Romanians had on the political structure, laws, feudal obligations, and conscription policy in 1437 Transylvania and how this deprivation influenced the Babolna Peasant Revolt of 1437. Specifically, the Magyars were able to prevent the Romanians from receiving political representation by imposing restraints on who could participate in politics. This resulted in the denial of Romanian rights and allowed the Magyars to increase feudal and military obligations. As these burdens became more onerous, the Romanians became increasingly oppressed and were eventually forced to oppose the Magyars, giving way to the Babolna Peasant Revolt of 1437.

The Divine Horizon: Rethinking Political Community in Luce Irigaray's “Divine Women”

Hypatia ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 436-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peta Hinton
Keyword(s):  
Political Change ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Political Subject ◽  
Feminist Politics ◽  
The Feminine ◽  
The World ◽  
Universal Category ◽  
Common Identity ◽  
Definition Of

The question of the transcendent, that which operates above and beyond the material stuff of the world, remains an enduring one for feminism, bound up as it is with the foundations of feminism's corporeal politics and the definition of its political subject. With the specificity of the situated and meaningful body grounding feminist politics, the universal and neutral status of the speaking subject has been diagnosed as masculine, and unable to properly account for sexed differences. On this basis, political community, collectivity forged along the lines of a common identity, is considered important in the realization of feminist political goals, yet is also problematic in view of its reliance upon a universal category of identity through which to motivate for political change. Acknowledging these tensions, this paper revisits Luce Irigaray's essay “Divine Women” to suggest that in her rethinking of the divine as a shared horizon through which women can potentially achieve autonomy, the nature of the transcendent, the universal, and the identity of the feminine are also reconfigured in surprising ways. In a specific address to the dilemma of political community, Irigaray makes available a notion of the divine that is already differently inhabited.

scholarly journals Notes toward a Definition of Romantic Nationalism

Romantik ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joep Leerssen
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Productions ◽  
Cultural Character ◽  
Language History ◽  
The Arts ◽  
Connected Node ◽  
Current Usage ◽  
To Come ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

<p>While the concept ‘Romantic nationalism’ is becoming widespread, its current usage tends to compound the vagueness inherent in its two constituent terms, Romanticism and nationalism. In order to come to a more focused understanding of the concept, this article surveys a wide sample of Romantically inflected nationalist activities and practices, and nationalistically inflected cultural productions and reflections of Romantic vintage, drawn from various media (literature, music, the arts, critical and historical writing) and from different countries. On that basis, it is argued that something which can legitimately be called ‘Romantic nationalism’ indeed took shape Europe-wide between 1800 and 1850. A dense and intricately connected node of concerns and exchanges, it affected different countries, cultural fields, and media, and as such it takes up a distinct position alongside political and post-Enlightenment nationalism on the one hand, and the less politically-charged manifestations<br />of Romanticism on the other. A possible definition is suggested by way of the<br />conclusion: Romantic nationalism is the celebration of the nation (defined by its language, history, and cultural character) as an inspiring ideal for artistic expression; and the instrumentalization of that expression in ways of raising the political consciousness.</p>

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