The Political Role of Hungary's Nineteenth-Century Conservatives and how they saw themselves

1983 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 845-865 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iván Zoltán Dénes
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Way

Around the middle of the nineteenth century, the Hungarian conservatives made a number of attempts decisively to influence the course of events in the Austrian empire and in the kingdom of Hungary, but failed on each occasion. What exactly had they wanted, and why did they fail to achieve it? How did they try to appear to others, and how did they see themselves? What political identity, if any, did they have? Was there anything special about the way their political activity and their perception of themselves bore on one another as compared to other nineteenth-century conservatives? What follows is an attempt to give answers to these questions.

Something Gleaming

Theoria ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 67 (165) ◽  
pp. 92-117
Author(s):  
Bronwyn Leebaw
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Common Concern ◽  
The Way

What kinds of lessons can be learned from stories of those who resisted past abuses and injustices? How should such stories be recovered, and what do they have to teach us about present day struggles for justice and accountability? This paper investigates how Levi, Broz, and Arendt formulate the political role of storytelling as response to distinctive challenges associated with efforts to resist systematic forms of abuse and injustice. It focuses on how these thinkers reflected on such themes as witnesses, who were personally affected, to varying degrees, by atrocities under investigation. Despite their differences, these thinkers share a common concern with the way that organised atrocities are associated with systemic logics and grey zones that make people feel that it would be meaningless or futile to resist. To confront such challenges, Levi, Arendt and Broz all suggest, it is important to recover stories of resistance that are not usually heard or told in ways that defy the expectations of public audiences. Their distinctive storytelling strategies are not rooted in clashing theories of resistance, but rather reflect different perspectives on what is needed to make resistance meaningful in contexts where the failure of resistance is intolerable.

The Political Role of the African Middle Class: The Over-Politicization of an Elusive Category

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominique Darbon
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Short Period ◽  
Sub Saharan

The African middle class (AMC) is an elusive category with high political significance. In spite of its vagueness and its controversial nature, this so-called social category is consistently used by a number of individual actors and institutions alike, including IO, NGOs, business interests, and political leaders in Africa for political purposes. The words “African middle class” are suggestive enough to produce new images of African social structures and turn the “hopeless continent” into a “miracle,” a new “powerhouse.” They are strong enough to grant new legitimacy to failing political leaders and the well off and to let people and academics alike anticipate the rise of democratic, stable, uncorrupted institutions. However, people “of the middle of the diamond” in Africa do not exist as a social community or a class. They do not share a common political identity. They have no political role of their own. The diversity of social subgroups may occasionally mobilize together, but for a short period of time and on highly different grounds. The political role of the AMC is as elusive as their mere existence. New social groups of limited prosperity are on the rise. However, they are far from making a class and mobilizing for political purposes. The rise of middle classes in emerging countries became a research theme at the beginning of the 2000s. The discussion took root in sub-Saharan African countries in the 2010s without any in-depth debate about its relevance. It was as if the AMC or classes already existed before the examination of a still very confused and heterogeneous set of transformations of the social structure of African societies was conducted. As a result, the AMC concept appears in almost all analyses as elastic, elusive, cobbled together, and uncertain as to its boundaries, its characteristics, its components, or its homogeneity. This confusion does not prevent authors from anticipating the meaning and effects of the AMC for political stability and democratization. Before studying how the people grouped behind this label can affect and be affected by politics and policies, it is necessary to understand how politically loaded this middle-class label is.

Del mito gaucho al mito peronista: la decadencia del cine criollista en La cabalgata del circo (Soffici 1945)

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-138
Author(s):  
Nicolás Suárez
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Golden Age ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Hypothesis ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Way ◽  
Second Degree

The article explores the decline of Criollista cinema during early Peronism, based on the study of Mario Soffici’s 1945 film La cabalgata del circo/Circus Cavalcade and the political circumstances around it, including Eva Duarte’s performance, the violent incidents during the premiere and the role of the censorship. The central hypothesis is that the film inaugurates a kind of symbolic relay: Peronism appropriates nineteenth-century emblems such as the gaucho myth or the romantic woman, and incorporates them into the emerging Peronist myth. This gives the Criollista cinema of the time the tone of a retreating criollismo, which is articulated as a second degree nostalgia: if criollismo was always marked by nostalgia for a pre-modern golden age, La cabalgata del circo reveals a nostalgia for that nostalgia, given that it is not only a Criollista story but also a history of criollismo. The research is based on the analysis of the film, its links with the historical-political context and the way it adapts the Criollista novel Juan Cuello, written by Eduardo Gutiérrez in 1880.

Representing Timor: Histories, geo-bodies, and belonging, 1860s–2018

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-386
Author(s):  
Kisho Tsuchiya
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Southeast Asian ◽  
East Timor ◽  
The Political ◽  
Place Making ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Colonial Representations

This article provides an outline of the historical construction of Timorese (East Timorese and Indonesian West Timorese) geo-bodies and communal identities from the mid-nineteenth century to the present time, thereby reconstructing the origins of many national imaginings amongst the Timorese people. Since the controversial annexation of Portuguese Timor by Indonesia in 1976, (East) Timor has been constructed as a place of two territorial identities: Timor as a part of Indonesia and East Timor as a homogeneous nation distinct from Indonesia. However, representations of Timor had been much more fluid and inconsistent in preceding ages. This article studies various communities’ representations of Timor to reveal dialectic relations between diverse colonial and post-colonial representations of the Timorese spaces and their senses of belonging. Thereby, it problematises the political role of global and regional place-making in a contested Southeast Asian locale.

Imprensa, raça e civilização: José de Fontes Pereira e o pensamento intelectual angolano no século XIX

Afro-Ásia ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduardo Antonio Estevam Santos
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial Administration ◽  
Administrative Positions ◽  
Social Transformations ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Face ◽  
Political Economic

<p>Neste trabalho, procuramos interpretar e analisar por meio dos artigos publicados nos principais periódicos de Luanda o pensamento intelectual de José de Fontes Pereira. Buscamos analisar o conjunto de reflexões deste “<em>filho do país</em>” numa articulação complexa entre imprensa, civilização, raça e a burocracia colonial. Apresentamos, também, a força da emergente imprensa angolana na segunda metade do século XIX em meio às transformações políticas, econômicas e sociais, e o papel político de José de Fontes Pereira diante das tensões raciais envolvendo as disputas por cargos administrativos em Angola.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: imprensa - civilização - raça.</p><p><strong><em><br /></em></strong></p><p><strong><em>Abstract</em></strong>:<em> In this work, we try to interpret and analyze, through the articles published in the main periodicals of Luanda, the intellectual thinking of José de Fontes Pereira. We seek to analyze the set of reflections of this "son of the country" in a complex articulation between press, civilization, race and the colonial administration. We also present the strength of the emerging Angolan press in the second half of the nineteenth century amidst political, economic and social transformations, furthermore the political role of José de Fontes Pereira in the face of racial tensions involving disputes over administrative positions in Angola</em>.</p><p> </p><p><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong>:<em> press - civilization - race</em>.</p>

II. The Political Role of the Parlement of Paris, 1715–23

1965 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-200
Author(s):  
J. H. Shennan
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Legal Structure ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Parlement Of Paris

The most recent biographer of Montesquieu has written:…the similarity between the ideas of the former president a tnortier and those of the parlements is sometimes striking.…The king, they admit, is the legislator and the fount of justice. The parlements, however, are the repositories of his supreme juris-diction. To remove it from them is to offend the laws of the state and to overthrow the ancient legal structure of the kingdom.…This tradition of the parlements inspired and was inspired by the political doctrine of Montesquieu; and when the President writes of the monarchy of his own day…as being the best form of government that men have been able to imagine, it is monarchy supported by this tradition which he has in mind.

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