LEARNING TO READ (AGAIN): THE SOCIAL EXPERIENCES OF TURKEY'S 1928 ALPHABET REFORM

2011 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 677-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hale Yılmaz

AbstractThis article reconsiders Turkey's 1928 alphabet reform by shifting the focus from the state to the social experiences of alphabet change. Rather than assuming an obedient and indifferent public silently following the decrees of an authoritarian and repressive regime, it explores the actual processes, institutions, and lived experiences of the alphabet reform by drawing on a variety of sources, including unpublished archival evidence and personal narratives collected through oral interviews. It draws attention to the multiplicity of experiences of learning to read and write (the new letters) as well as to the persistence of the Ottoman script; it also examines the variety of ways that state authorities dealt with this persistence. The analysis of this particular reformist measure has implications for understanding social change and the emergence of a nationalist culture in the early republican period as well as state–society relations and the nature of the Kemalist state.

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 194-215
Author(s):  
Yun Zhou

Abstract Amid debates and discussions on the institution of the family in Republican China, foreign missionaries and Chinese Christians played an active role in promoting an ideal Christian family. This article investigates the three waves of prominent theological thinking that underpinned changing ideals of the Christian family throughout the Republican period: Chinese society’s encounter with the gendered ethics of the Christian community in the early Republican period, discussions of domesticity by Chinese Christians amid the social gospel movements of the 1920s, and discussions of domesticity during the National Christianizing the Home Movement. An exploration of Christian publications on domesticity points to a gendered perspective on women’s domestic roles as well as a male-dominated theological construct that attempted to reconfigure the notion of the Chinese Christian family. The discourse on the ideal Chinese Christian family had both secular and spiritual dimensions, shaped by the dynamic transnational flow of ideas and the development of local theological thinking.


Author(s):  
Tanja Bueltmann ◽  
Donald M. MacRaild

Chapter 1 frames the following discussion of English associations and ethnic activities by charting English migration to North America from the mid-1700s. The earlier emigrants carried with them cultural characteristics, habits and customs that were critical in shaping the social and civic life that marked the English as foundational and invisible within America society. We problematize existing scholarship and challenge the assumption that the hegemony of the English language and the early immigrants’ foundational context provided all subsequent English migrants with a permanent and unchanging advantage over other migrant groups by default. Ordinary English migrants faced the same challenges and hardships as any other group; working-class immigrants in particular dealt with many common economic pressures regardless of their origins. Ultimately, the English had much in common with those of other backgrounds. The English settled in all colonies, counties and states; they were loaded towards the urban and industrial areas, but the focus upon the north-east—in both the colonial and early Republican period, as well as north of the border in what was to become Canada—gradually gave way to greater diffusion: a diffusion in line with the spread of ethnic associations. In the nineteenth century, English-born immigrants—the mainstay of English ethnic associations—came to be hugely out-numbered by several immigrant groups, most notably the Irish, with whom innate tensions were reprised in the new country. Chapter 1 explores such factors as a frame for the study that follows.


Author(s):  
Joanna Innes

The late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries saw attempts around the Mediterranean world to replace an old order of privilege and delegated power with one in which all subjects were equal before the state. Across southern Europe, revolutionary France provided the model: under French and subsequently liberal regimes, privilege in state, church, and economy was cut back; there were analogous changes in the Ottoman world. Legal change did not always translate into substantive social change. Nonetheless, new conceptions of a largely autonomous ‘society’ developed, and new protocols were invented to relate state to ‘society’, often entailing use of tax status as a reference point for the allocation of rights and duties. The French Doctrinaires argued that the abolition of privilege made society ‘democratic’, posing the question, how was such a society best governed? By the middle of the nineteenth century, this conception was widely endorsed across southern Europe.


2008 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 53-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
nancy siegel

Cooking Up Politics explores the expression of nationalism in the early republican period of American history through analysis of the domestic environment. This includes the development of American recipes, the patriotic ornamentation of imported ceramics and furnishings, and the role played by women as culinary activists who furthered the causes of republican values through a domestic ideology in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. In particular, this study addresses the naming of recipes in American cookery books, reflective of the growing interest in national sentiment. Recipes for Independence cake, Election cake, and the Federal pan cake, developed by authors such as Amelia Simmons, demonstrate that the meaning associated with food consumption and the social act of gathering to dine could be not only familial but patriotic as well. Such a nationalistic association with food allowed women to create a unique means to express their commitment to the new nation, thus linking language with food.


Author(s):  
Kostis Smyrlis

Offering a review of Byzantine rural society during the transitional eleventh century this chapter underlines the role the state played in the evolution of social and economic relations. It is argued that the appropriation by the state of a large part of the fertile land, dictated by financial considerations, greatly restricted the space for expansion of the provincial elite while benefitting certain individuals serving the regime. This nuances the notion that the eleventh and twelfth centuries saw the consolidation of the power of the landowning aristocracy. By the end of the eleventh century, a large portion of the peasantry had become dependent on private landowners. Nevertheless, despite the social and economic restrictions their subjection implied, dependent peasants retained a relatively elevated legal status, thanks to a fiscal apparatus and a legal framework that limited the freedom of great landlords.


Author(s):  
Joaquín Fernández Abara

ResumenEl artículo sigue la trayectoria de la Junta de Minería de Copiapó y su relación con el Estado. Sostiene que en el período tardocolonial y a inicios del republicano, el gobierno de las zonas mineras de Copiapó requirió del apoyo de los mineros agremiados. Las autoridades fomentaron la agremiación de losmineros en la Junta de Minería, a la que delegaron funciones administrativas y dieron amplia autonomía. Sin embargo, los gobiernos republicanos no formalizaron dicha institución, la que se mantuvo regida por la costumbre. Losintentos de controlar la administración y los recursos de la Junta, realizados amediados de la década de 1850 por los agentes del Ejecutivo, cambiaron dicha relación, transformando a la Junta en un importante foco de conflictividadregionalista y abriendo un debate sobre su composición social.Palabras clave: Minería, Centralización, Construcción de Estado, Conflictividad Regionalista. From collaboration with the state to regional protest: The Junta de Minería of Copiapó from Bourbon Reformsto the civil war in 1859AbstractThe article studies the Junta de Minería of Copiapó and its relationship with the State. It argues that in the late colonial and early republican period, the government of Copiapo mining areas required support from the unionizedminers. The authorities encouraged unionization of miners delegating themadministrative functions with a wide autonomy. However, Republicans governmentsdid not formalize this institution which remained governed by custom.


2021 ◽  
pp. 139-187
Author(s):  
Eric Van Young

The chapter begins with a description of Mexico City during the early republican period. The theme of the chapter is Alamán’s first ministry, 1823-1825 (with some breaks), first under an interim triumvirate and then under the presidency of the independence hero Guadalupe Victoria. As the chief minister in the cabinet, whose portfolio embraced both interior affairs and foreign relations, Alamán dealt with such issues as the securing of sovereign loans from British banking houses, the American colonization of Texas, and the effort to force the Spanish forces out of the fortress of San Juan de Ulúa, opposite the Gulf city of Veracruz. His chief preoccupation was the opposition in 1823 to the central government by several federalist chieftains in the important provinces of Nueva Galicia (shortly to be the State of Jalisco), Oaxaca, and others, in the face of which he managed to hold the country together.


2013 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. P324-P324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stacey Hawkins ◽  
Carrie McAiney ◽  
Margaret Denton ◽  
Jenny Ploeg

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 1081-1101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine Brookfield ◽  
Jane Parry ◽  
Vicki Bolton

Measures of prosocial behavior can influence policy, legislation, investment, and inform assessments of the overall state of society. Evidence suggests that methods are important in determining these measures. To widen and deepen our understanding of the complex relationship between these items, we compared participation and volunteering data from a national birth cohort study (National Child Development Study [NCDS]) with data from a linked qualitative study, the Social Participation and Identity Study (SPIS). We evaluated the strengths and prosocial behavior content of each and explored possible links between their respective methodologies and participation and volunteering estimates. We found that prompts and probes were associated with higher estimates and narrow filter questions with lower estimates. The SPIS afforded detailed insights into lived experiences and personal narratives of volunteering and participating, whereas the NCDS supported analysis of these behaviors over time and from a lifecourse perspective. Implications for researchers and policy makers are considered.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 7-28
Author(s):  
Marcelo A. Bohrt

Race has shaped the development of the Bolivian state and its institutions albeit with important transformations in the social and political meaning of race. This paper discusses the racialization of the central state bureaucracy in Bolivia along these two dimensions: the distribution of bureaucratic resources and the assumptions and meanings that underpin bureaucratic hierarchy and spaces. It first discusses the relationship between the modern state and the concept of race, and conceptualizes the ethnoracial bureaucracy as a material and symbolic structure. Next, it examines the composition of the public administration sector overall and across the bureaucratic hierarchy in 2001, before the MAS-IPSP’s rise to power. Last, it surveys the narratives of race and nation that Creole and white-mestizo state elites historically mobilized in demarcating the boundaries of state power around whiteness. In contemporary Bolivia, the production of alternative official narratives of race and nation seeks to blur the boundary between indigeneity and statecraft (re)produced since the early republican period, and to legitimize the changing ethnoracial composition of the bureaucracy. The durability of the project is not guaranteed as the sediment of history and competing political projects weighs heavy on this process of transformation and negotiation.  


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