scholarly journals Struggles for Recognition: The Liberal International Order and the Merger of Its Discontents

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Rebecca Adler-Nissen ◽  
Ayşe Zarakol

Abstract The Liberal International Order (LIO) is currently being undermined not only by states such as Russia but also by voters in the West. We argue that both veins of discontent are driven by resentment toward the LIO's status hierarchy, rather than simply by economic grievances. Approaching discontent historically and sociologically, we show that there are two strains of recognition struggles against the LIO: one in the core of the West, driven by populist politicians and their voters, and one on the semiperiphery, fueled by competitively authoritarian governments and their supporters. At this particular moment in history, these struggles are digitally, ideologically, and organizationally interconnected in their criticism of LIO institutions, amplifying each other. The LIO is thus being hollowed out from within at a time when it is also facing some of its greatest external challenges.

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-27
Author(s):  
Irus Braverman

Our special issue provides a first-of-its kind attempt to examine environmental injustices in the occupied West Bank through interdisciplinary perspectives, pointing to the broader settler colonial and neoliberal contexts within which they occur and to their more-than-human implications. Specifically, we seek to understand what environmental justice—a movement originating from, and rooted in, the United States—means in the context of Palestine/Israel. Moving beyond the settler-native dialectic, we draw attention to the more-than-human flows that occur in the region—which include water, air, waste, cement, trees, donkeys, watermelons, and insects—to consider the dynamic, and often gradational, meanings of frontier, enclosure, and Indigeneity in the West Bank, challenging the all-too-binary assumptions at the core of settler colonialism. Against the backdrop of the settler colonial project of territorial dispossession and elimination, we illuminate the infrastructural connections and disruptions among lives and matter in the West Bank, interpreting these through the lens of environmental justice. We finally ask what forms of ecological decolonization might emerge from this landscape of accumulating waste, concrete, and ruin. Such alternative visions that move beyond the single axis of settler-native enable the emergence of more nuanced, and even hopeful, ecological imaginaries that focus on sumud, dignity, and recognition.


Author(s):  
LEE SUAN CHONG

AbstrakPenduduk Lundayeh terdapat di Tenom, Sipitang dan Long Pa Sia, di sepanjang pantai barat Sabah, Malaysia. Bentuk dan sistem tarian Lundayeh telah melalui perubahan dan variasi sejak kewujudan mereka di Borneo. Artikel ini mengkaji dalam pelbagai aspek, termasuk muzik, pakaian, pergerakan, fungsi dancerita-cerita daripada tarian tradisional yang diamalkan dalam masyarakat Lundayeh hari ini di Kemabong, Sabah. Tarian tradisional Lundayeh yang masih diamalkan berdasar terutamanya kepada aspek budaya, sosial dan agama hidup Lundayeh. Kajian ini membawa kepada penemuan corak pemikiran, falsafahhidup dan perspektif dunia Lundayeh yang dipengaruhi oleh agama dan budaya purba mereka. Tarian tradisional Lundayeh berfungsi sebagai satu saluran untuk memahami sifat orang Lundayeh sebagai salah satu kumpulan etnik kecil di dunia. Pemahaman tentang sifat orang Lundayeh akan terus menyumbang ke arah perkongsian dan penemuan dalam dimensi ilmu kemanusiaan yang baru.   AbstractLundayeh populations are found in the areas of Tenom, Sipitang and Long Pa Sia, along the west coast of Sabah, Malaysia. Lundayeh dance forms and systems have gone through changes and variations since their existence in Borneo. This paper looks into a variety of aspects, including music, costumes, movements, functions and stories of the traditional dances practiced in today’s Lundayeh communities in Kemabong, Sabah. The surviving traditional dances found to have stemmed from the core of Lundayeh cultural, social and religious aspects of life. The study leads to the discovery of the thinking patterns, life philosophies and world perspectives of Lundayeh that are strongly influenced by their religion and ancient culture. Dance music ultimately serves as a tool to understand the nature of Lundayeh people as one of the minor ethnic groups in the world. The understanding of the nature of Lundayeh would further contribute toward sharing and discovering another dimension of human knowledge and wisdom.


2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. John Ikenberry

AbstractThe crisis of the American-led international order would seem to open up new opportunities for rising states—led by China, India, and other non-Western developing countries—to reshape the global order. As their capacities and influence grow, will these states rise up and integrate into the existing order or will they seek to overturn and reorganize it? The realist hegemonic perspective expects today's power transition to lead to growing struggles between the West and the “rest” over global rules and institutions. In contrast, this essay argues that although America's hegemonic position may be declining, the liberal international characteristics of order—openness, rules, and multilateralism—are deeply rooted and likely to persist. And even as China seeks in various ways to build rival regional institutions, there are stubborn limits on what it can do.


Author(s):  
Adam I. P. Smith

This chapter discusses the campaign strategies of the two main presidential candidates in the free states in the 1860 election, Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas. Both appealed to voters’ desire to contain the Slave Power and assure access to the West for free white settlers. The core difference between Douglasites and Lincolnites was over the role of the Federal government in resolving the crisis: Republicans wanted to take control in Washington to prevent the nationalisation of slavery; Democrats continued to believe that the most effective solution was decentralisation.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Mitchell A. Orenstein

This introductory chapter outlines the core argument of the book: that as Russia ramped up its hybrid war on the West starting around 2007, politics in Western countries has become more similar to politics in the vulnerable “lands in between.” Russia’s hybrid war on the West has contributed to political polarization by promoting extremist parties and creating a sense that every election presents voters with a “civilizational choice” between Russia and the West or authoritarianism and democracy. Paradoxically, many of the leaders that rise to the top in these conditions are those who find ways to profit from both sides. They benefit from the sponsorship of pro-Russia and pro-Western interests to enrich themselves in the process. The plan of this book is simple. It starts with exploring the nature of Russia’s hybrid war on the West and the West’s delayed response. Then it shows how this conflict shapes the politics of the lands in between, Central and Eastern European member states of the European Union, and core Western countries.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. 27-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom C. McCaskie

Abstract:This paper deals with aspects of the still relatively neglected history of African medicinal plants. The core of the paper is a discussion in tabular form of the plants collected in the West African forest kingdom of Asante in 1817 by Henry Tedlie, a member of the well known English mission led by Thomas Bowdich. More generally, the paper considers episodes in the accumulation of Akan, Asante, and African plant specimens by Europeans, and the eventual classification of these in a western authorized botanical taxonomy that is now in worldwide use. The gathering of potentially medicinal plants is a little studied facet of European global expansion, from exploration to colonialism and beyond, and of the sovereign scientific orthodoxy that became established alongside it. The paper frames and discusses relevant details of this process over thelongue durée, from pre-Linnaean taxonomies to current controversies over bioprospecting.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-44
Author(s):  
Alexandra Gheciu

AbstractThese days, when we hear the slogan ‘let's make our country great again’ we almost automatically assume the state concerned is the US, and the leader uttering the slogan is President Trump. This article invites readers to explore the discourse and practices through which another national leader is seeking to restore his country's ‘greatness’ and promote national and international security. The leader concerned is France's Emmanuel Macron. Why focus on the French president? Because since his election he has become the most dynamic European leader, on a mission to enhance France's international stature, and to do so via a broader process of protecting and empowering the EU. More broadly, France stands out as a country whose political leadership has long been committed to the goal of playing a global role. As Pernille Rieker reminds us, ‘Since 1945, French foreign policy has been dominated by the explicit ambition of restoring the country's greatness [la grandeur de la France], justified in terms of French exceptionalism’.1Macron has cast his vision of national/European greatness, security, and international order in opposition to the isolationist, rigidly nationalist visions articulated by his domestic opponents and, internationally, by President Trump. In his view, France and Europe can only be secure if they defeat the illiberal ideas advocated by the increasingly vocal political forces, particularly far-right movements, seeking to undermine the core values and multilateral principles of the post-1945 international order. Under these circumstances, an analysis of Macron's policies and practices of grandeur can help us gain a better understanding of the competition between liberal and illiberal worldviews – a competition that is increasingly pronounced within the Western world.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 96-114
Author(s):  
Eustache Mêgnigbêto

Purpose University, industry and government relationships, known under the Triple Helix, have been studied under various aspects. The West African region and countries have been analysed with mutual information and transmission power, two information theory-based indicators. The purpose of this paper is to portray the landscape of West African Triple Helix innovation systems using three main game theory indicators (core, Shapley value and nucleolus) with the objective to measure the synergy within the selected innovation systems. Design/methodology/approach The collaboration between university, industry and government is modelled as a three-person coalitional game. Bibliographical data of selected countries were collected from Web of Science and organised according to collaboration patterns between the three actors. The characteristic functions of the games were computed, the cores plotted, the Shapley values and the nucleoli computed. Findings Either university or government has more power to create and lead to synergy; government shows solidarity towards university and industry in most of countries; and they are joined in their efforts by industry in two countries. The core exists in all the countries meaning that all the selected innovation systems present synergy; however, the extent is limited and varies over countries. Research limitations/implications Innovation includes all research products; however, this study focuses on publications only. Originality/value Synergy within a Triple Helix innovation system is studied up to now with information theory indicators. The paper portrays the landscape of West African Triple Helix innovation systems using three main game theory indicators: the core, the Shapley value and the nucleolus and gives a new way to study university, industry and government relationships.


1968 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 534-554 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. E. Bosworth

It is not too much to describe the Ṣaffārids of S‚stān as an archetypal military dynasty. In the later years of the third/ninth century, their empire covered the greater part of the non-Arab eastern Islamic world. In the west, Ya'qūb. al-Laith's army was only halted at Dair al-'Āqūl, 50 miles from Baghdad; in the north, Ya'qūb and his brother 'Arm campaigned in the Caspian coastlands against the local 'Alids, and 'Amr made serious attempts to extend his power into Khwārazm and Transoxania; in the east, the two brothers pushed forward the frontiers of the Dār al-Islām into the pagan borderlands of what are now eastern Afghanistan and the North-West Frontier region of West Pakistan; and in the south, Ṣaffārid authority was acknowledged even across the persion Gulf in ‘Umān. This impressive achievement was the work of two soldiers of genius, Ya'qūub and 'Amr, and lasted for little more than a quarter of a century. It began to crumble when in 287/900 the Sāmānid Amīr Ismā'īl b. Aḥmad defeated arid captured ‘Amr b. al-Laith, and 11 years later, the core of the empire, Sīstān itself, was in Sāmānid hands. Yet such was the effect in Sīstān of the Ṣaffārid brothers’ achievement, and the stimulus to local pride and feeling which resulted from it, that the Ṣaffārids returned to power there in a very short time. For several more centuries they endured and survived successive waves of invaders of Sīstān—the Ghaznavids, the Seljūqs, the Mongols—and persisted down to the establishment of the Ṣafavid state in Persia.


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