Is Discussion of the “United States of Africa” Premature? Analysis of ECOWAS and SADC Integration Efforts

2012 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-54
Author(s):  
Malebakeng Forere

AbstractFor integration to succeed, the intending bloc of nations must begin with integration efforts that are based on gradual, continuous and concrete achievements, to create de facto solidarity among community members. This is the theoretical premise on which this article is based. This perspective is also drawn from the normative framework of both the Constitutive Act of the African Union (AU) and the Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community. According to its objectives, the AU aims to form a union government, to be preceded by successful economic integration through regional economic communities (RECs). While there are several RECs in Africa, this article examines those in west and southern Africa, being among the more developed. The article discusses whether the RECs have achieved their objectives to the extent that would warrant discussion of, and efforts towards, the imminent formation of the “United States of Africa”.

1994 ◽  
Vol 26 (11) ◽  
pp. 1731-1759
Author(s):  
P J Rimmer

The emergence of a new infrastructural arena in Europe has prompted searches for similar ‘macroeconomic corridors’ in the United States and Japan. Although they can easily be discovered in the United States, confining attention to Japan omits new regional forms brought about by economic integration in Pacific Asia. After examining the driving forces behind regional economic integration—rival firms, rival states, and supranational organisations—interest is focused on the ‘Japan Corridor’ and emerging zones of economic cooperation in the Yellow Sea and South China Sea as the building blocks of an East Asian development corridor. The rudiments of a Southeast Asian corridor are also examined by centring attention on the ‘Growth Triangle’ (Singapore-Johor-Riau), the ‘Northern Triangle’ (northern Malaysia-southern Thailand-northern Sumatra), and other manifestations of regional economic cooperation. More speculative discussion considers how a Pacific Asian corridor could emerge from further zones of economic cooperation in both Indochina and the Japan Sea. Its pivot could be the Hong Kong-Shanghai-Taipei triangle—a reflection of the likely emergence of a greater Chinese economic grouping.


Author(s):  
Jennifer E. Gerber ◽  
Janesse Brewer ◽  
Rupali J. Limaye ◽  
Andrea Sutherland ◽  
Gail Geller ◽  
...  

1995 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 144
Author(s):  
Raymond Copson ◽  
Thomas Borstelmann ◽  
Chester Crocker

1998 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 64-69
Author(s):  
Larry A. Swatuk

With fanfare befitting the arrival of a god of the Western material world, U.S. President Bill Clinton toured Southern Africa imparting “words of wisdom” along the way. His aim, we were told, was to see that the United States becomes Africa’s “true partner.” The reason being, according to Clinton, “[a]s Africa grows strong, America grows stronger ... Yes, Africa needs the world, but more than ever it is equally true that the world needs Africa.” To this end, the United States would pursue a mix of political and economic policies that included the African Crisis Response Initiative and the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act, both designed to foster “stability” and “prosperity” on the continent. Lofty goals, to be sure, but ends whose means are badly in need of interrogation. This article does just that: To wit, does Clinton, on behalf of U.S. policymakers, mean what he says? If so, in naming “peace” and “prosperity,” can he make them? Put differently, does the Clinton administration have the power to introduce order where there was chaos? Or will it only compound existing problems and visit new ones upon those who had few to begin with?


Author(s):  
Micheal L. Shier ◽  
Lindsey McDougle ◽  
Femida Handy

ABSTRACT   The literature suggests that nonprofit organizations provide civic benefits by promoting engagement within local communities. However, there exists minimal empirical evidence describing the ways in which nonprofits actually undertake this role. In order to address this omission, we conducted interviews with personnel of nonprofit organizations in one rural community in the United States. Our preliminary findings indicate that nonprofit organizations promote civic engagement through programs and activities that: 1) engage volunteers and donors; 2) bring community members together; 3) collaborate with organizations within and beyond the community; and 4) promote community education and awareness. Together, these findings help to develop a working model to understand the civic footprint of nonprofit organizations with methodological implications for future research that would seek to measure the extent to which nonprofits promote civic engagement. Il est normal de supposer que les associations à but non lucratif favorisent l’engagement du citoyen dans les communautés locales. Cependant, il existe peu de données empiriques sur la manière dont ces associations assument véritablement ce rôle. Pour combler ce manque, nous avons mené des entretiens semi-directifs approfondis auprès du personnel d’associations à but non lucratif dans une petite communauté rurale aux États-Unis. Nos résultats préliminaires indiquent que ces associations motivent les citoyens à s’impliquer quand elles offrent des programmes et des activités qui : 1) intéressent les bénévoles et les donateurs; 2) rassemblent directement ou indirectement les membres de la communauté; 3) collaborent avec d’autres associations tant au sein de la communauté qu’au-delà de celle-ci; et 4) encouragent l’éducation et la conscientisation communautaires. Ces constats aident à établir un modèle pour mieux comprendre la présence civique des associations à but non lucratif dans les communautés et indiquent une piste à suivre pour des recherches futures qui examineraient l’influence de ces associations sur le niveau de participation civique.


1962 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 889-889 ◽  

The 1960–1961 General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) Tariff Conference was brought to a conclusion on July 16, 1962. The decision to hold the 1960–1961 conference was taken in May 1959, following a proposal of the United States that such a conference should be held. Approximately 4,400 tariff concessions were negotiated at the conference. There were three separate elements in the 1960–1961 conference: 1) renegotiations with the European Economic Community (EEC); 2) the “Dillon” or general round of negotiations; and 3) negotiations in accordance with the relevant provisions of the General Agreement with countries wishing to accede to GATT.


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