Suppletive verbal morphology in Korean and the mechanism of vocabulary insertion

2009 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 533-567 ◽  
Author(s):  
INKIE CHUNG

This paper provides a Distributed Morphology analysis of the paradoxical interaction of the two cases of verbal suppletion in Korean, and argues that the two suppletion types are characterized by two different types of morphological operations. The two roots found with short-form negation and honorification suggest different morphological structures: [[Neg-V] Hon] for al- ‘know’, molu- ‘not.know’, a-si- ‘know-hon’, molu-si- (not *an(i) a-si-) ‘neg know-hon’; and [Neg [V-Hon]] for iss- ‘exist’, eps- ‘not.exist’, kyey-si- ‘exist-hon’, an(i) kyey-si- (not *eps-(u)-si-) ‘neg exist-hon’. Predicate repetition constructions support the [[Neg-V] Hon] structure. In this structure, however, the negative suppletion (analyzed as fusion of negation and the root) is blocked by the honorific suffix structurally more peripheral to the root. C-command is the only requirement for context allomorphy in Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993). Since the [+hon] feature c-commands the root, the root can show honorific suppletive allomorphy in the first cycle with negation intervening between the root and [+hon]. Negation fusion occurs in the second cycle after vocabulary insertion of the root. Fusion, then, should refer to vocabulary items, not abstract features, and will be interleaved with vocabulary insertion. If the output of the root is /kyey/ due to the honorific feature, negative suppletion will not apply and the correct form an(i) kyey-si- will be derived. Therefore, both of the distinct morphological operations for suppletion, i.e., fusion and contextual allomorphy, are necessary. The revised formulation of fusion shows that certain morphological operations follow vocabulary insertion. This derivational approach to the suppletion interaction provides support for separation of phonological and nonphonological features and for late insertion of phonological features.

Biology ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 379
Author(s):  
Laura Antonio-Zancajo ◽  
Javier Montero ◽  
Daniele Garcovich ◽  
Mario Alvarado-Lorenzo ◽  
Alberto Albaladejo ◽  
...  

The objective of this prospective clinical study was to analyze the pain (intensity, location and type) that patients presented after the placement of different types of orthodontic appliances: conventional, low friction, lingual and aligners. The sample consisted of 120 patients divided into four groups: conventional (CON), low friction (LF), lingual (LO) and aligners (INV). The participants were given the Short-Form McGill Pain Questionnaire (Ortho-SF-MPQ), where they had to record the pain intensity (no pain, mild, moderate or intense) and the periodontal location at different time points, from the first 4 h to 7 days after the start of treatment. In all the study groups, the most frequent location was both anterior arches, with maximum values between 56.7% (CON group at 24 h) and 30% (LO group at 4 h). The “whole mouth” and “complete lower arch” locations were indicated only by the patients in the lingual group. Regarding pain intensity, the patients reported a higher percentage of mild–moderate pain during the first 3 days of treatment (96.7% in LO at 4 h, 86.7% in CON, 83.3% in LF and 90% in INV at 24 h); later, the reported pain decreased to no pain/mild pain, especially in the lingual group, until reaching values close to zero at 7 days post-treatment. The most frequent type of pain was acute in the low friction and lingual groups (with maxima of 60% and 46.7% at 24 h, respectively). On the contrary, in the conventional (36.7% at 4 h) and Invisalign (40% at 24 h) groups, the sensitive type was the most frequent. There are differences regarding periodontal pain in its intensity, location and type according to the use of different orthodontic techniques.


2020 ◽  
pp. 088626052093442
Author(s):  
Kelly M. FitzPatrick ◽  
Stephanie Brown ◽  
Kelsey Hegarty ◽  
Fiona Mensah ◽  
Deirdre Gartland

Intimate partner violence (IPV) can comprise physical, sexual, and emotional abuse, and is a widespread public health concern. Despite increasing recognition that women experience different types of IPV, the majority of research has focused on physical IPV. The present study aims to examine associations between different types of IPV (physical, emotional, physical, and emotional) and women’s mental, physical, and sexual health by analyzing longitudinal data from a prospective pregnancy cohort of 1,507 first-time mothers in Melbourne, Australia. Questionnaires included validated measures of physical and mental health (Short Form Health Survey, Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale) and IPV (Composite Abuse Scale). Emotional IPV alone was the most commonly reported type of IPV ( n = 128, 9.5%), followed by both physical and emotional IPV ( n = 76, 5.7%), and then physical IPV alone ( n = 30, 2.2%). Women reporting emotional IPV or physical and emotional IPV had increased odds of poor health compared with women reporting no IPV. Experience of physical and emotional IPV was most strongly associated with mental health issues, including depressive symptoms (adjusted odds ratio [OR] 4.6, 95% confidence interval [CI] = [2.9, 7.1]) and self-reported anxiety (adjusted OR 2.9, 95% CI = [1.9, 4.4]). Experience of emotional IPV alone was associated with poor mental health as well as physical factors, including poor general physical health (adjusted OR 1.9, 95% CI = [1.2, 3.1]), and pain during sex (adjusted OR 1.8, 95% CI = [1.2, 2.7]). Increased odds of poor body image were also observed for women reporting emotional IPV alone and physical and emotional IPV. These findings highlight the need for greater awareness of the diversity in women’s experiences of IPV among health care providers. This includes understanding the prevalence of emotional IPV among new mothers, and the range of health problems that are more common for women experiencing IPV.


Author(s):  
Franz Rainer

Blocking can be defined as the non-occurrence of some linguistic form, whose existence could be expected on general grounds, due to the existence of a rival form. *Oxes, for example, is blocked by oxen, *stealer by thief. Although blocking is closely associated with morphology, in reality the competing “forms” can not only be morphemes or words, but can also be syntactic units. In German, for example, the compound Rotwein ‘red wine’ blocks the phrasal unit *roter Wein (in the relevant sense), just as the phrasal unit rote Rübe ‘beetroot; lit. red beet’ blocks the compound *Rotrübe. In these examples, one crucial factor determining blocking is synonymy; speakers apparently have a deep-rooted presumption against synonyms. Whether homonymy can also lead to a similar avoidance strategy, is still controversial. But even if homonymy blocking exists, it certainly is much less systematic than synonymy blocking. In all the examples mentioned above, it is a word stored in the mental lexicon that blocks a rival formation. However, besides such cases of lexical blocking, one can observe blocking among productive patterns. Dutch has three suffixes for deriving agent nouns from verbal bases, -er, -der, and -aar. Of these three suffixes, the first one is the default choice, while -der and -aar are chosen in very specific phonological environments: as Geert Booij describes in The Morphology of Dutch (2002), “the suffix -aar occurs after stems ending in a coronal sonorant consonant preceded by schwa, and -der occurs after stems ending in /r/” (p. 122). Contrary to lexical blocking, the effect of this kind of pattern blocking does not depend on words stored in the mental lexicon and their token frequency but on abstract features (in the case at hand, phonological features). Blocking was first recognized by the Indian grammarian Pāṇini in the 5th or 4th century bc, when he stated that of two competing rules, the more restricted one had precedence. In the 1960s, this insight was revived by generative grammarians under the name “Elsewhere Principle,” which is still used in several grammatical theories (Distributed Morphology and Paradigm Function Morphology, among others). Alternatively, other theories, which go back to the German linguist Hermann Paul, have tackled the phenomenon on the basis of the mental lexicon. The great advantage of this latter approach is that it can account, in a natural way, for the crucial role played by frequency. Frequency is also crucial in the most promising theory, so-called statistical pre-emption, of how blocking can be learned.


2019 ◽  
pp. 026765831987996
Author(s):  
Shigenori Wakabayashi

This article proposes a novel account for the overuse of free morphemes and underuse of bound morphemes in English as a second language (L2) based on the framework of Distributed Morphology. It will be argued that an Economy Principle ‘Do everything in Narrow Syntax (DENS)’ operates in the L2 learner’s computational system. Consequently, derivation in Morphology becomes as limited as possible except when applying Vocabulary Items to syntactic objects (Vocabulary Insertion). This results in non-target-like use/acceptance of certain morphemes: Bound morphemes are often omitted in early L2 grammar, and alternative free morphemes may apparently be used instead. Two types of data, namely the overuse of be reported in previous research, and the preference of to-infinitives over -ing gerunds in early L2 grammar, will be presented in support of the proposal, and the plausibility of the operation of DENS will be discussed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Yash Sinha

This paper provides a Distributed Morphology (DM) analysis for Hindi nominal (noun and adjectival) inflection. Contra Singh & Sarma (2010), I argue that nominal suffixes contain two morphemes – a basic morpheme, and a restrictedly distributed additional morpheme. The presence of two different morphemes is especially evident when one compares noun and adjectival inflectional suffixes, which Singh & Sarma (2010) do not, since they only look at noun inflection.  I also show that the so-called adjectival inflectional suffixes are not limited to adjectives, and may occur on nouns, provided the noun is not at the right edge of the noun phrase. On the other hand, the regular noun inflection is only limited to nouns at the right edge of the noun phrase. This is demonstrated using a type of coordinative compound found in Hindi. Then, I take the fact that nouns can take either the regular noun inflection or the so-called “adjectival” inflection as motivation for a unified analysis for both sets of suffixes. I demonstrate that after undoing certain phonological rules, the difference between the “adjectival” and regular noun inflectional suffixes can be summarized by saying that the additional morpheme only surfaces in the regular noun inflectional suffixes. Finally, I provide vocabulary entries and morphological operations that can capture the facts about the distribution of the various basic and additional morphemes.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Beaton Galafa

The paper provides a grammatical sketch of Chitumbuka, a language widely spoken in the northern region of Malawi, and therefore used as a lingua franca in the region. The paper focuses on four key linguistic aspects of the language in its analysis. These include phonology, morphology, syntax and semantics. Data analysis followed interviews with native speakers of the language drawn from four districts of Mzimba, Rumphi, Nkhata Bay and Kasungu. There was also a significant reliance on data from published materials exploring the language. The paper agrees with available literature ascertaining the existence of 5 vowels and 27 consonant phonemes, a CV syllable structure, assimilation and strengthening processes in the language. It also shows that Chitumbuka is not a tonal language. The paper further ascertains the existence of 18 noun classes in the language and a complex verbal morphology with different types of markers for subject, object and tense. It also shows that the general sentence structure of Chitumbuka is Subject-Verb-Object with several other possible alterations. The paper ends with an exploration of loan words in the language and the realization of the notions of borrow and lend through a single lexical item. 


Author(s):  
Smriti Singh ◽  
Vaijayanthi M. Sarma

This paper primarily presents an analysis of nominal inflection in Hindi within the framework of Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993, 1994 and Harley and Noyer 1999). Müller (2002, 2003, 2004) for German, Icelandic and Russian nouns respectively and Weisser (2006) for Croatian nouns have also used Distributed Morphology (henceforth DM) to analyze nominal inflectional morphology. This paper will discuss in detail the inflectional categories and inflectional classes, the morphological processes operating at syntax, the distribution of vocabulary items and the readjustment rules required to describe Hindi nominal inflection. Earlier studies on Hindi inflectional morphology (Guru 1920, Vajpeyi 1958, Upreti 1964, etc.) were greatly influenced by the Paninian tradition (classical Sanskrit model) and work with Paninian constructs such as root and stem. They only provide descriptive studies of Hindi nouns and verbs and their inflections without discussing the role or status of affixes that take part in inflection. The discussion on the mechanisms (morphological operations and rules) used to analyze or generate word forms are missing in these studies. In addition, these studies do not account for syntax-morphology or morphology-phonology mismatches that show up in word formation. One aim of this paper is to present an economical way of forming noun classes in Hindi as compared to other traditional methods, especially gender and stem ending based or paradigm based methods that give rise to a large number of inflectional paradigms. Using inflectional class information to analyse the various forms of Hindi nouns, we can reduce the number of affixes and word-generation and readjustment rules that are required to describe nominal inflection. The analysis also helps us in developing a morphological analyzer for Hindi. The small set of rules and fewer inflectional classes are of great help to lexicographers and system developers. To the best of our knowledge, the analysis of Hindi inflectional morphology based on DM and its implementation in a Hindi morphological analyzer has not been done before. The methods discussed here can be applied to other Indian languages for analysis as well as word generation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 127 (2) ◽  
pp. 367-385 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tanja Matarma ◽  
Hanna Lagström ◽  
Eliisa Löyttyniemi ◽  
Pasi Koski

It is unclear why there may be gender differences in the motor skills of same aged children. We compared motor skill competence of 5-year-old boys and girls ( n = 712) and examined whether variations in time spent in different types of activities and in family-related variables were associated with motor skills. We measured motor skills with the Bruininks–Oseretsky Test, Second Edition short form, and we used parental questionnaires to measure behavioral and family-related variables. Girls outperformed boys on most motor skills tasks, as eight of 14 tests showed statistically significant gender differences ( p <  .001). In addition, drawing or doing handicrafts for 60 minutes or more per day was positively associated with fine motor control ( p <  .001). Father’s higher education was associated with the children’s better body coordination ( p =  .020). Finally, both attending day care ( p =  .017) and outdoor physical activity for 60 minutes or more per day ( p =  .034) were positively associated with strength and agility. We found no associations between manual coordination and either daily activities or family-related variables. Time spent in different activities of young children should be recognized as a means of enhancing the development of fundamental motor skills.


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 831-878 ◽  
Author(s):  
HANNAH SANDE

This paper brings novel data to bear on whether nominal concord relationships are formed in the narrow syntax or post-syntactically. In Guébie, a Kru language spoken in Côte d’Ivoire, nominal concord marking on non-human pronouns and adjectives is determined not by syntactic or semantic features of the concord-triggering noun, but by the phonological form of the noun. Specifically, concord marking on pronouns and adjectives surfaces as a vowel with the same backness features as the vowels of the head noun. Assuming that syntax is phonology-free (Pullum & Zwicky 1986, 1988), the fact that we see phonological features conditioning nominal concord in Guébie means that nominal concord must take place in the post-syntax. I expand on post-syntactic models of nominal concord in Distributed Morphology (Kramer 2010, Norris 2014, Baier 2015) showing that when combined with a constraint-based phonology, such an approach can account for both phonologically and syntactico-semantically determined concord systems. Additionally, the proposed analysis includes a formal account of ellipsis via constraints during the phonological component.


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