Public Opinion and the 1908 Eucharistic Congress

2000 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Horwood
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Annual Meeting ◽  
Moral Education ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
International Congress ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of Religions ◽  
History Of ◽  
First Time

The summer of 1908 was a summer of congresses in London. The decennial Pan-Anglican Congress assembled in July, the History of Religions Congress met in September, the Trades Union Congress held its annual meeting shortly thereafter, and the International Congress on Moral Education took place in October. None of these received as much newspaper attention as the Roman Catholic International Eucharistic Congress, which convened in England for the first time, from Wednesday 9 to Sunday 13, September. Many column inches were devoted to the preparations and proceedings; photographs were printed; and hundreds of readers’ letters were published afterwards. In reportage the newspapers differed slightly; in opinion, more so. Most of the proceedings were not controversial at all, consisting of liturgies, lectures on various aspects of Catholic belief concerning the Eucharist, and evening meetings in the Albert Hall. What excited the press and sections of the public was the proposed closing spectacular: a procession of the Blessed Sacrament through the streets around Westminster Cathedral.

The 1912 Duma Elections: The State, the Opposition and the Clergy

Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Church

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.

scholarly journals “Liberating the Small Devils”: Red Guard Newspapers and Radical Publics, 1966–1968

2021 ◽  
Vol 246 ◽  
pp. 354-373
Author(s):  
Nicolai Volland
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Early Research ◽  
Test Case ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
Red Guard ◽  
And Function ◽  
Chinese Public

AbstractRed Guard newspapers and pamphlets (wenge xiaobao) were a key source for early research on the Cultural Revolution, but they have rarely been analysed in their own right. How did these publications regard their status and function within the larger information ecosystem of the People's Republic, and what is their role in the history of the modern Chinese public sphere? This article focuses on a particular subset of Red Guard papers, namely those published by radical groups within the PRC's press and publication system. These newspapers critiqued the pre-Cultural Revolution press and reflected upon the possible futures of a new, revolutionary Chinese press. Short-lived as these experiments were, they constitute a test case to re-examine the functioning of the public in a decidedly “uncivil” polity. Ultimately, they point to the ambiguous potential of the public for both consensus and conflict, liberation and repression, which characterizes the press in 20th-century China.

Kultūrvēstures aspekti Jāņa Čakstes vācu valodā sarakstītajā apcerējumā „Die Letten und Ihre Latwija” (1917), tā tulkošanas un izdevumu vēsture latviski („Latvieši un viņu Latvija”, 1989/1990–2019)

2021 ◽  
pp. 155-162
Author(s):  
Ivars Orehovs
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Aspects ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The Public ◽  
30Th Anniversary ◽  
History Of Writing ◽  
History Of

On May 4, 2020, the 30th anniversary of the restoration of Latvia’s national independence was celebrated, and the 160th anniversary since the birth of the first President of Latvia, Jānis Čakste (1859–1927), was remembered on September 14, 2019. In 1917, even before the establishment of the Latvian state, Čakste published a longer essay in German, entitled „The Latvians and Their Latvia” (Die Letten und ihre Latwija), in which both the ethnic and geopolitical history of the Baltics was presented to communicate the public opinion and strivings of that time internationally. The essay also reflected economic relations in the predominantly Latvian-inhabited territory, demonstrating the political convictions and the culture-historical background of the era. The article aims to characterise the history of writing and publishing the essay in German, and its translation into Latvian (1989/90), and the translation’s editions (1999, 2009, 2014, 2019). Part of the article is devoted to analysing the culture-historical aspects, which in the authorial narrative have been expressed in the interethnic environment of the territory and the era.

scholarly journals JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER, STANDARD OIL, AND THE RISE OF CORPORATE PUBLIC RELATIONS IN PROGRESSIVE AMERICA, 1902–1908

2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 245-263
Author(s):  
Stephen R. Leccese
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Public Relations ◽  
Business Practices ◽  
Progressive Reform ◽  
The Public ◽  
Corporate Public Relations ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
History Of ◽  
Standard Oil Company ◽  
Oil Company

When the Supreme Court ordered the dissolution of Standard Oil in 1911, it marked the end of an unsuccessful campaign by the company to improve its public standing. Standard Oil's failure to mollify public opinion in the aftermath of Ida Tarbell's muckraking masterpiece, “The History of the Standard Oil Company,” has resulted in a historiographical record that negatively assesses the company's response. This article reassesses the company response by placing it within the wider context of business history in the early twentieth century. It offers a detailed exploration of the public relations initiatives of Standard Oil from 1902 to 1908. Additionally, the article views the affair through the lens of standard corporate practices of the early Progressive Era, when large businesses had only begun to promote favorable public images. It argues that progressive reform inadvertently aided the rise of big business by teaching corporations the importance of promoting favorable public images. This wider context reveals that Standard Oil's public relations response, if unsuccessful, was not as aloof as others have argued. In fact, the company made a concerted effort to change public opinion about its business practices.

The Work of Testimony in the Age of Decolonization: Chronicle of a Summer, Cinema Verité, and the Emergence of the Holocaust Survivor

PMLA ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 119 (5) ◽  
pp. 1231-1246
Author(s):  
Michael Rothberg
Keyword(s):  
Turning Point ◽  
Discrete Event ◽  
Holocaust Survivor ◽  
Algerian War ◽  
The Public ◽  
Holocaust Memory ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
First Time

The trial of Adolf Eichmann, in 1961, is generally considered a turning point in the history of Holocaust memory because it brought the Holocaust into the public sphere for the first time as a discrete event on an international scale. In the same year, Jean Rouch and Edgar Morin's film Chronicle of a Summer appeared in France. While absent from scholarship on memory of the Nazi genocide for over forty years, Chronicle of a Summer contains a scene of Holocaust testimony that suggests the need to look beyond the Eichmann trial for alternative articulations of public Holocaust remembrance. This essay considers the juxtaposition in Chronicle of a Summer of Holocaust memory and the history of decolonization in order to rethink the “unique” place that the Holocaust has come to hold in discourses on extreme violence. The essay argues that a discourse of truth and testimony arose in French resistance to the Algerian war that shaped and was shaped by memory of the Nazi genocide.

An Account of the Plan, Objects and Progress of the International Association for obtaining a Uniform Decimal System of Measures, Weights and Coins (Concluded from p. 162)

1859 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 263-268
Author(s):  
Samuel Brown
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
International Association ◽  
International Congress ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Decimal System ◽  
Weights And Measures ◽  
Uniform System ◽  
The Earth ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Subject

The recommendations were—“That a work should be published, in which should be given the history, and an analytical and comparative table, of the different systems of weights, measures, and coins of the different nations of the earth, to be translated and published, under the supervision of the branch societies, in all the languages of the nations represented in the Association. 2. That, to ensure the accuracy of such a work, the branch societies should furnish information as to the monies, weights, and measures prevalent in each country, with their values in terms of the Metrical System. 3. That each branch society should use every means, especially by aid of the press, to enlighten public opinion on the subject, and to prepare for the meeting of an official International Congress for discussion thereon. 4. That, in the meantime, the branch societies should make every effort to procure that, in all statistical tables and documents, public and private, the different quantities and values should be accompanied by their reduction into the monies, weights, and measures of the Metrical System, so that all nations may have a common medium of comparison. And 5. That unity in the fineness of the coin, unity in the standard of value, and unity in weights and measures of all kinds, should be pursued, in order to facilitate the adoption of a uniform system.”

scholarly journals A IMPRENSA DO SEGUNDO REINADO NO PROCESSO POLÍTICO-CONSTITUCIONAL: FORÇA MORAL E OPINIÃO PÚBLICA / THE SECOND REIGN PRESS IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESS: MORAL STRENGTH AND PUBLIC OPINION

2014 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
Judá Leão Lobo ◽  
Luís Fernando Lopes Pereira
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Moral Responsibility ◽  
Legal Reasoning ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
The Public ◽  
Daily Newspapers ◽  
Daily Press ◽  
The Press ◽  
Constitutional Monarchy

Este artigo delineia as principais características da imprensa durante o reinado de D. Pedro II e busca explicar o porquê de ter sido tão poderosa instituição no processo político-constitucional do período por meio da comparação da alta e da baixa cultura jurídica, uma baseada no pensamento constitucional e outra na imprensa diária, respectivamente. Por tal procedimento, buscamos desvelar a íntima conexão entre esses dois polos do espectro jurídico, assim como a especificidade da opinião pública brasileira durante o Segundo Reinado. Ambos os resultados foram atingidos por abordagem empírica de fontes primárias produzidas no período, tais como livros de autores destacados e debates públicos surgindo de periódicos diários de Curitiba, a capital da recém-estabelecida província do Paraná. Havendo condições sociais, políticas, teóricas e institucionais favoráveis, a imprensa era, sem rival, a principal instituição representando a opinião pública no processo constitucional. Embora deputados e senadores tivessem amplo direito à liberdade de expressão na tribuna e cidadãos comuns pudessem interferir nos negócios públicos pelo direito de petição, a imprensa superou tais direitos e se tornou verdadeiro Tribunal da Opinião Pública. Contudo, os critérios pelos quais a poderosa instituição julgava decisões políticas e administrativas eram mais morais que legais, e a legalidade era menos importante que a força moral. Com efeito, sanções previstas em lei eram frequentemente negligenciadas, enquanto a responsabilidade moral estendia seus vereditos inclusive a casos que observavam os preceitos legais. PALAVRAS-CHAVEForça moral. Liberdade de imprensa. Monarquia Constitucional brasileira. Opinião Pública. Responsabilidade moral.  ABSTRACT This article sets forth the main features of the press during the reign of Pedro II and tries to explain the reasons why it was such a powerful institution in the constitutional ongoing process of the period, and so by bringing the upper legal reasoning of the Constitutional Monarchy and the lower legal thought of the daily press together. Through this procedure, we intent to unveil the inner connection between these two sides of the juridical culture, as well as the specificity of the Brazilian public opinion during the Second Reign. Both of these outcomes were brought to light through an empirical approach to primary sources of the period, such as books of distinguished authors and public debates arising from daily newspapers of Curitiba, the capital of the recently established Paraná province. Since there were social, political, theoretical and institutional slanting conditions, the press was overwhelmingly the main institution representing the public opinion in the constitutional process. Even though representatives and senators had a broad right to free speech in congressional ground and ordinary citizens could interfere in public affairs through the petition right, the press overcame these rights and became a real Public Opinion Court. However, the criteria by which this powerful institution tried administrative and political decisions were more moral than legal, and lawfulness was less important than moral strength. Indeed, legal punishments were very often neglected, whilst moral responsibility stretched out its verdicts even to lawful cases. KEYWORDSBrazilian Constitutional Monarchy. Freedom of the press. Moral responsibility. Moral strength. Public opinion.

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