The Khilafat Movement in India: The First Phase

1968 ◽  
Vol 100 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gopal Krishna
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Minority Status ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Islamic World ◽  
Spiritual Leader ◽  
Islamic Empire ◽  
The One ◽  
The Ideal

When the european war ended in November 1918 the fate of the defeated Turkish Empire was no longer in doubt. The other fallen empire, Austria-Hungary, had been dismembered, and the Ottoman Turks could not hope to escape the consequences of allying themselves with Germany. For Indian Muslims this raised grave issues of the political power of Islam. They had provided a large number of recruits in the war and had contributed materially towards the defeat of Turkey. Their political leaders had regretted Turkey's entry into the war on the side of Britain's enemies; their sympathies, however, were with the Turks, for the Turkish Sultan was looked upon as the Khalifa, the temporal and spiritual leader of the Islamic community, and—still more important for Indian Muslims—the Khalifa stood for the unity of the Islamic people, and the Turkish Empire, by then the only surviving Islamic Empire, was the symbol of Islam's worldly power. Muslims in India fervently believed in the ideal of Islamic brotherhood. This had always been an integral part of the religious outlook of Islam, but Pan-Islamism appealed especially to Muslims in India because of their minority status. Their interest in the Khalifate was largely due to the fact that it was the one centre of authority to which they could look for protection. The spread of nationalism threatened to submerge them and made them anxious to preserve and strengthen the Khalifate as an institution which might provide them with a rallying point and mobilize in their defence the united forces of the Islamic world.

The Changing Relationship between Local Society and the Central Political Power in Former Han: 206 B.C.–8 A.D.

1965 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 358-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cho-Yun Hsu
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Community Based ◽  
Local Society ◽  
Elite Group ◽  
Local Elite ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One

The consolidation of China did not come immediately with China's unification. It was not fully accomplished until the middle of the Former (Western) Han. The monolithic2 nature of the political powers and a group of local elite3 were then forming. And the bureaucracy, becoming much elaborated during this era, served to link the two. The elite group functioned, on the one hand as the reservoir of candidates to officialdom, and on the other hand, as the leading element with education, prestige, and often wealth, in the community. Based on these concepts, this paper ventures to present the formation of the local elite group through the changing social base of political power during Western Han.

scholarly journals Are knowledgeable voters better voters?

2022 ◽  
pp. 1470594X2110650
Author(s):  
Michael Hannon
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Intellectual Virtue ◽  
The Other ◽  
Epistemic Virtue ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Thinking ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Informed Citizenry ◽  
The One ◽  
Political Decisions

It is widely believed that democracies require knowledgeable citizens to function well. But the most politically knowledgeable individuals tend to be the most partisan and the strength of partisan identity tends to corrupt political thinking. This creates a conundrum. On the one hand, an informed citizenry is allegedly necessary for a democracy to flourish. On the other hand, the most knowledgeable and passionate voters are also the most likely to think in corrupted, biased ways. What to do? This paper examines this tension and draws out several lessons. First, it is not obvious that more knowledgeable voters will make better political decisions. Second, attempts to remedy voter ignorance are problematic because partisans tend to become more polarized when they acquire more information. Third, solutions to citizen incompetence must focus on the intellectual virtue of objectivity. Fourth, some forms of epistocracy are troubling, in part, because they would increase the political power of the most dogmatic and biased individuals. Fifth, a highly restrictive form of epistocracy may escape the problem of political dogmatism, but epistocrats may face a steeper tradeoff between inclusivity and epistemic virtue than they would like.

Art in the Service of Power: The Creation of a “New Man” (On the Example of Soviet Propaganda Porcelain of the 1920s)

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 442-456
Author(s):  
Margarita Bayutova ◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Random Choice ◽  
Political Propaganda ◽  
New Man ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Applied Art ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The One

In the article the author considers the problem of using art as the political power instrument. The subject of the study is the analysis of applied arts possibilities as a means of political propaganda and agitation, the necessary qualities and political views formation in a person. The material for the analysis is the Soviet propaganda porcelain of the 1920s. The choice of this material is caused, firstly, by its great visibility in the framework of the discussed problem, and, secondly, by the negative result of its use in real politics (at first sight, paradoxical). At present, Soviet propaganda porcelain is considered to be a “unique phenomenon” of Russian and world art. However, the main reason for its appearance at the beginning of the 20th century was not the search for new art forms. After coming to power in 1917, the Bolshevists faced the need to form political views of the citizens that were compatible with the party course — in general, to form a “new man” capable of living in a new society. On the one hand, porcelain was a random choice at that period of time (1920-s) but, on the other hand, people assigned specific characteristics to it as a type of applied art. And, therefore, they ascribed to it the possibilities of an instrument of political power. But at the same time using it in that capacity is greatly limited due to other specific properties, as well as due to other historical circumstances. The main reason for the failure of Soviet propaganda porcelain as the political propaganda and agitation means is the contradiction between the course of political power and the essence of porcelain as a phenomenon, i.e. inconsistency between the goal and the means to achieve it. In general, the author draws a conclusion that there is a difference between the goals of art and power and, as a consequence, the groundlessness of the power attempts to consider art exclusively as its own tool.

The Russian Doukhobors and their Religious Teachings

1915 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-81
Author(s):  
Aurelio Palmieri
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
The Other ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Religious Sects ◽  
The One

Of all European countries Russia is the most prolific in religious sects. Distrust of the Orthodox state church, on the one hand, which is regarded as too closely allied to the political power and unmindful of its duties to the people, and, on the other, religious ignorance with its consequent superstition, have given rise to innumerable sects, which range from religious nihilism to the most rigid traditionalism.

Introduction

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Gamberini
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
State Building ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Many ◽  
The One ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
The Ideal ◽  
The Middle Ages

The introduction gives a critical rereading of the historiographical debate regarding the processes of state building at the end of the Middle Ages, highlighting its limitations in the lack of interest shown in the ideal reasons for the political conflict. This then gives rise to the interpretative proposal that forms the basis of the present work, which aims to shed light on the many conflicts that, in relation to legitimacy of power, tore medieval society apart. With this in mind, the introduction focuses on an analysis of the sources that are potentially useful for the study of these particular aspects, on the risks underlying their use, and on the expected results. The last part discusses the structure of the work and justifies the decision to divide it into two, clearly divided parts, dedicated to the communal age on the one hand and the post-communal era on the other.

Internationale Gemeinschaft

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthias Lindhof
Keyword(s):  
Social Theory ◽  
International Politics ◽  
International Community ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Global Order ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Dual Character ◽  
The One

This volume deals with the ‘international community’. Instead of asking for its factual existence, however, it reconstructs the political meaning of the concept itself, which is used regularly and quite effectively in the interpretation of international politics. Using a hermeneutical approach rooted in pragmatist social theory, it examines three speeches by prominent European political leaders in detail. The results point out the dual character of the concept: on the one hand, it is open enough to convey different conceptions of a just global order; on the other hand, analogously to a currency, it allows legitimacy for contrary political purposes to be ‘bought’.

scholarly journals Dinasti Fatimiyah Di Mesir (909-1172): Kajian Pembentukan dan Perkembangannya

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Nuraini A Manan
Keyword(s):  
Subject Matter ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Great Contribution ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Islamic World ◽  
History Of ◽  
Interesting Discussion ◽  
The University

The discussion of the Fatimid Dynasty was an interesting discussion, because the controversy caused by the dynasty was enough to stir the Islamic world. Some author said this kingdom has a great contribution to introduce Muslims to science, because they build the University of al-Azhar. On the other hand, this kingdom is said to be an intolerant extremist kingdom, suppressing Sunni Muslims or Ahlussunnah wal Jamaah. The history of the kingdom filled with oppression, deceit, and deviation from the teachings of Islam is also another side that needs to be raised and discussed. Before discussing the political power of the Fatimid dynasty, we first discuss the ideology of this kingdom, because this is the underlying political movement. Fatimid dynasty was a Shiite-ideological kingdom, more precisely the Ismailis. Isma’ili Shi’ah is a Shi’ite sect who believes that Ismail bin Ja’far is the seventh priest, as for the majority of Shia (Shi’a Itsna Asyriyah) believes that Musah bin Ja’fa was the seventh imam after Ja’far ash-Sadiq. The differences in this subject matter then evolved into other doctrinal principles that increasingly distinguished Ismaili Shiite teachings from mainstream Shiite, Shiite Asna Asyriyah, so this teaching became a separate sect. Ismailis have beliefs that deviate far from the teachings and creeds of Islam. Like other Shiite sects, Isma’ilis Shiites also believe that priests are awake from sinful deeds, they are perfect figures, and there is no gap at all

Getting Over Athens

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicolas Wiater
Keyword(s):  
Roman Empire ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Model ◽  
Dionysius Of Halicarnassus ◽  
The One

This chapter examines the ambivalent image of Classical Athens in Dionysius of Halicarnassus’ Roman Antiquities. This image reflects a deep-seated ambiguity of Dionysius’ Classicist ideology: on the one hand, there is no question for Dionysius that Athenocentric Hellenicity failed, and that the Roman empire has superseded Athens’ role once and for all as the political and cultural centre of the oikoumene. On the other, Dionysius accepted Rome’s supremacy as legitimate partly because he believed (and wanted his readers to believe) her to be the legitimate heir of Classical Athens and Classical Athenian civic ideology. As a result, Dionysius develops a new model of Hellenicity for Roman Greeks loyal to the new political and cultural centre of Rome. This new model of Greek identity incorporates and builds on Classical Athenian ideals, institutions, and culture, but also supersedes them.

‘There shall be no musical servitude’: Towards a Multitudinous Shostakovich in the West

2020 ◽  
Vol 145 (2) ◽  
pp. 495-505
Author(s):  
EIRINI DIAMANTOULI
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Musical Style ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The One ◽  
The Cold War

Ideologically motivated attempts to elucidate Shostakovich’s political views and to determine whether and how they may be coded into his compositions have come to characterize the Western reception of the composer’s works since his death in 1975. Fuelled by the political oppositions of the cold war, Shostakovich’s posthumous reputation in the West has been largely shaped by two conflicting perspectives. These have positioned him on the one hand as a secret dissident, bent and broken under the unbearable strain of totalitarianism, made heroic through his veiled musical resistance to Communism; and on the other hand as a composer compromised by his capitulation to the regime – represented in an anachronistic musical style. Both perspectives surrender Shostakovich and his music to a crude oversimplification driven by vested political interests. Western listeners thus conditioned are primed to hear either the coded dissidence of a tragic victim of Communist brutality or the sinister submission of a ‘loyal son of the Communist Party’.1 For those prepared to accept Shostakovich as a ‘tragic victim’, the publication of his purported memoirs in 1979, ‘as related to and edited by’ the author Solomon Volkov, presents a tantalizing conclusion: bitterly yet discreetly scornful of the Stalinist regime, Shostakovich was indeed a secret dissident and this dissidence was made tangible in his music.

Studying Political Leadership: The Case of François Mitterrand

1994 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 453-468 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alistair Cole
Keyword(s):  
General Framework ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Environmental Constraints ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
The One

The study of political leadership, in France and elsewhere, must be appreciated in terms of the interaction between leadership resources (personal and positional) on the one hand, and environmental constraints and opportunities on the other. This article proposes a general framework for appraising comparative liberal democratic political leaderships. It illustrates the possibilities of the framework by evaluating the political leadership of the French President François Mitterrand.

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