Variation through markedness suppression

Phonology ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aaron Kaplan

Certain optional phonological processes may apply to any number of the potential targets in a form, yielding outputs in which the process applies to a proper subset of the available loci. Such patterns are incompatible with OT-based frameworks that produce variation by providing multiple constraint rankings. While one ranking may favour exhaustive application and another no application, no ranking favours application at just some loci. The framework presented here, Markedness Suppression, solves this problem:evalmay ignore any violation mark assigned by designated markedness constraints, creating variation by manipulating candidates' violation profiles. By ignoring different violation marks on different evaluations, the full range of attested forms is produced, including ones with intermediate levels of process application. Markedness Suppression achieves better empirical coverage than competing frameworks, in terms of both producing the correct range of variants and modelling their output frequencies.

Author(s):  
John M. Lipski

The non-linear analysis of Spanish phonology as proposed by Harris (1984) and others promises to augment the explanatory power of currently available phonological descriptions, and may offer significant insights into the description of phonological differences among dialects. However, the interaction between previously held notions of phonological processes and the new theoretical analysis has not yet been fully explored, and the claim that the latter apparatus must necessarily completely supplant the former is perhaps over ambitious. The present note will deal with competing analyses of two frequent processes in Spanish, velarization of underlying /n/ and aspiration of underlying /s/, both of which have been used in support of the latest theoretical proposals. I will attempt to demonstrate that the data used to formulate these proposals have been excessively idealized. The full range of complexity and variation which surrounds these and similar phenomena necessitates a more ramified analysis, and even an idealization which does not distort the fundamental nature of the two processes casts doubt on the simple analysis suggested as a replacement for orthodox generative and traditional structuralist analyses.


Author(s):  
Laura J. Downing ◽  
Al Mtenje

Bantu languages have played and continue to play an important role as a source of data illustrating core phonological processes—vowel harmony, nasal place assimilation, postnasal laryngeal alternations, tonal phenomena such as high tone spread and the OCP, prosodic morphology, and the phonology–syntax interface. Chichewa, in particular, has been a key language in the development of theoretical approaches to these phonological phenomena. This book provides thorough descriptive coverage, presented in a clear, atheoretical manner, of the full range of phonological phenomena of Chichewa. Less well-studied topics—such as positional asymmetries in the distribution of segments, the phonetics of tone, and intonation—are also included. The book surveys, where relevant, important recent theoretical approaches to phonological problems—such as vowel harmony, the phonology–syntax interface, focus prosody, and reduplication—where Chichewa data is routinely referred to in the theoretical literature. The book will therefore serve as a resource for phonologists—at all levels and working in different theoretical frameworks—who are interested in the processes discussed. Because many of the phonological processes in Chichewa are conditioned by particular morphological or syntactic contexts, the book should also be of interest to linguists working on the interfaces. As there are almost no other monographs on the phonology of Bantu languages available, this book serves as an excellent introduction to core issues in the phonology of Bantu languages.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 1481-1498 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Matchin ◽  
Gregory Hickok

Abstract Syntax, the structure of sentences, enables humans to express an infinite range of meanings through finite means. The neurobiology of syntax has been intensely studied but with little consensus. Two main candidate regions have been identified: the posterior inferior frontal gyrus (pIFG) and the posterior middle temporal gyrus (pMTG). Integrating research in linguistics, psycholinguistics, and neuroscience, we propose a neuroanatomical framework for syntax that attributes distinct syntactic computations to these regions in a unified model. The key theoretical advances are adopting a modern lexicalized view of syntax in which the lexicon and syntactic rules are intertwined, and recognizing a computational asymmetry in the role of syntax during comprehension and production. Our model postulates a hierarchical lexical-syntactic function to the pMTG, which interconnects previously identified speech perception and conceptual-semantic systems in the temporal and inferior parietal lobes, crucial for both sentence production and comprehension. These relational hierarchies are transformed via the pIFG into morpho-syntactic sequences, primarily tied to production. We show how this architecture provides a better account of the full range of data and is consistent with recent proposals regarding the organization of phonological processes in the brain.


Author(s):  
Karee Garvin ◽  
Myriam Lapierre ◽  
Martha Schwarz ◽  
Sharon Inkelas

A growing body of research suggests that vowels vary in degree of strength. These strength differences are borne out in the degree to which these segments undergo or trigger phonological processes such as stress assignment or harmony. Traditionally, this variability has been accounted for through binary differences in phonological representations, such as presence or absence of a segment in the underlying representation, presence or absence of a phonological feature, and moraicity or non-moraicity of the relevant segment. While distinctions in underlying status and moraic structure are an effective tool for capturing some of the observed differences in vowel strength, they do not capture all attested differences. In this paper, we offer evidence supporting a four-point strength scale to which faithfulness and markedness constraints can refer. This model allows for strength differences among underlying and inserted vowels, and within monomoraic and bimoraic vowels as well, subject to scalar implications.  We argue that Q-Theoretic representations offer the necessary representational tool to capture the full range of vowel strength.


Author(s):  
Jane Chandlee

<p>This paper addresses the question of ‘what is a possible phonological <span>process’ from a computational perspective. Many previous studies have offered explanations </span>for why certain processes are attested and/or common while others are unattested or rare <span>(see Hume &amp; Johnson 2001, Hayes et al. 2004, Blevins 2004, among others). Following work on phonotactics by Heinz (2007, 2009, 2010), the goal of the present study is to demonstrate </span>the extent to which computational properties can distinguish the subset of what is phonologically possible from the larger set of logically possible processes. <span>Specifically, I identify a strong computational property of the mapping from underlying </span>representation (UR) to surface representation (SR) in local phonological processes. This property is called Input Strict Locality (ISL) after the well-studied Strictly Local formal languages (McNaughton &amp; Papert 1971, Rogers &amp; Pullum 2011, Rogers et al. 2013). I demonstrate <span>that this property has broad empirical coverage and describe its </span>utility in phonological learning.</p>


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane Chandlee ◽  
Adam Jardine

<p>In this paper we identify strict locality as a defining computational property of the input-output mapping that underlies local phonological processes. We provide an automata-theoretic characterization for the class of Strictly Local functions, which are based on the well-studied Strictly Local formal languages (McNaughton &amp; Papert 1971; Rogers &amp; Pullum 2011; Rogers et al. 2013), and show how they can model a range of phonological processes. We then present a learning algorithm, the SLFLA, which uses the defining property of strict locality as an inductive principle to learn these mappings from finite data. The algorithm is a modification of an algorithm developed by Oncina et al. (1993) (called OSTIA) for learning the class of subsequential functions, of which the SL functions are a proper subset. We provide a proof that the SLFLA learns the class of SL functions and discuss these results alongside previous studies on using OSTIA to learn phonological mappings (Gildea and Jurafsky 1996).</p>


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Matchin ◽  
Gregory Hickok

Syntax, the structure of sentences, enables humans to express an infinite range of meanings through finite means. The neurobiology of syntax has been intensely studied, but with little consensus. Two main candidate regions have been identified: the posterior inferior frontal gyrus (pIFG) and the posterior middle temporal gyrus (pMTG). Integrating research in linguistics, psycholinguistics, and neuroscience, we propose a neuroanatomical framework for syntax that attributes distinct syntactic computations to these regions in a unified model. The key theoretical advances are adopting a modern lexicalized view of syntax in which the lexicon and syntactic rules are intertwined, and recognizing a computational asymmetry in the role of syntax during comprehension and production. Our model postulates a hierarchical lexical-syntactic function to the pMTG, which interconnects previously identified speech perception and conceptual-semantic systems in the temporal and inferior parietal lobes, crucial for both sentence production and comprehension. These relational hierarchies are transformed via the pIFG into morpho-syntactic sequences, primarily tied to production. We show how this architecture provides a better account of the full range of data and is consistent with recent proposals regarding the organization of phonological processes in the brain.


1984 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 267-274 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harriet B. Klein

Formal articulation test responses are often used by the busy clinician as a basis for planning intervention goals. This article describes a 6-step procedure for using efficiently the single-word responses elicited with an articulation test. This procedure involves the assessment of all consonants within a word rather than only test-target consonants. Responses are organized within a Model and Replica chart to yield information about an individual's (a) articulation ability, (b) frequency of target attainment, substitutions, and deletions, (c) variability in production, and (d) phonological processes. This procedure is recommended as a preliminary assessment measure. It is advised that more detailed analysis of continuous speech be undertaken in conjunction with early treatment sessions.


1992 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela G. Garn-Nunn ◽  
Vicki Martin

This study explored whether or not standard administration and scoring of conventional articulation tests accurately identified children as phonologically disordered and whether or not information from these tests established severity level and programming needs. Results of standard scoring procedures from the Assessment of Phonological Processes-Revised, the Goldman-Fristoe Test of Articulation, the Photo Articulation Test, and the Weiss Comprehensive Articulation Test were compared for 20 phonologically impaired children. All tests identified the children as phonologically delayed/disordered, but the conventional tests failed to clearly and consistently differentiate varying severity levels. Conventional test results also showed limitations in error sensitivity, ease of computation for scoring procedures, and implications for remediation programming. The use of some type of rule-based analysis for phonologically impaired children is highly recommended.


ASHA Leader ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 18 (8) ◽  
pp. 40-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judy Rudebusch ◽  
JoAnn Wiechmann

To offer a full range of RTI and IEP services, school-based SLPs can schedule activity blocks rather than go student by student—here's how.


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