From ‘Feudal’ Lords to Figureheads

Urban History ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 23-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Cannadine
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Urban History ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Future Research ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Subject

The importance of landowners' influence on the timing, scale and type of development in many large nineteenth-century towns is a platitude of urban history. But the power which it gave a large, aristocratic, urban landowner to influence local affairs – political, cultural, religious and philanthropic – has received much less attention. Most historians would agree with Ralph Nevill that during the nineteenth century ‘the political influence of the English land-owning class must in any case have disappeared with the development of the great towns and the increase in population’. But while that change has been described and investigated as it occurred at Westminster and in the country-side, the actual shift in the balance of power in the towns – from those who owned and managed urban estates to those who lived on them as leasehold tenants – has received much less attention. The purpose of this article is to review the literature at present available on the subject, and to offer some suggestions as to the directions in which future research might proceed.

The State

2019 ◽  
pp. 124-152
Author(s):  
Paul Stock
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Late Eighteenth ◽  
Definitive Form

Chapter 6 discusses late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century geography books’ sustained focus on the political states of Europe. The books present states both as organic communities with multi-faceted jurisdictions, and as increasingly centralized governmental authorities. They usually specify that monarchy is the definitive form of European government, and that European states share a propensity for ‘liberty’, broadly defined as respect for law and property, and the maintenance of the balance of power in Europe. Some geographical texts talk about ‘nations’, but ideas about European polities remain reliant on established notions of governmental structures.

THE DISSOLUTION OF THE SPANISH ATLANTIC MONARCHY

2009 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
GABRIEL PAQUETTE
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Future Research ◽  
National Consciousness ◽  
New Wave ◽  
Seismic Effects ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Spanish Atlantic ◽  
The Subject

ABSTRACTThe Spanish empire's vertiginous collapse in the first decades of the nineteenth century has long been a source of historiographical disputes. Historians seeking to explain the demise of Spain's dominion in the Americas and the emergence of independent nation-states have identified certain factors as decisive. Among these are: the coalescence of an anti-colonial, national consciousness among creoles; peninsular misrule and economic mismanagement; and the seismic effects of geopolitical upheaval, particularly the Napoleonic occupation of Spain. This historiographical review recapitulates established explanations, introduces a new wave of scholarship on the subject, and identifies topics that may be crucial for future research.

Experience, Knowledge, and Political Representation

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Peter Allen
Keyword(s):  
Subjective Experience ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Descriptive Representation ◽  
Future Research ◽  
The Political ◽  
Substantive Representation ◽  
Shared Experience ◽  
The World ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Strategic Implication

Abstract Evidence suggests that increasing the descriptive representation of groups improves their substantive representation. What underpins this link? Many scholars writing on the subject stop short of arguing explicitly that it is “shared experience” within groups. I argue that we should embrace the potential conceptual and empirical benefits of framing representation through experience. To do this, we should think of experience specifically in terms of the epistemic content and capacities gained through subjective experience, which can allow individuals to think about the world in distinct ways. I reframe the idea that experiences might be shared within groups and ameliorate concerns that the concept is essentialist, drawing out the political relevance of my argument. This has the strategic implication that we should be unafraid to argue in favor of political presence on the basis of (shared) experience and the empirical implication that future research should consider subjective experience more closely.

Social Roots of Medical Education

2018 ◽  
pp. 90-102
Author(s):  
Neha Madhiwalla
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Primary Care ◽  
Medical Education ◽  
Health System ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Modern Medicine ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Health

Allopathy has become the dominant system of medicine in India today. Since mid-nineteenth century, allopathic medical education institutions have grown exponentially. However, its growth has been problematic. Further, the political influence of modern medicine practitioners has enabled them to gain monopolistic control of state health system, even though they remain marginal to the provision of primary care in the rural areas.

Seeking a Balance of Power through a Neutral Third Party Mechanism

2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-152
Author(s):  
Frida Osorio Gonsen
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Latin America ◽  
State Power ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Institutional Innovation ◽  
Third Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Conservative Power

The Atlantic constitution-making processes, including the ones undertaken in Latin America in the early nineteenth century, were marked by the quest for a balanced state power that would allow State unity. This article focuses mainly on the efforts of Mexican constitutionalists to define an institutional framework that would avoid the fragmentation of the political structure of the State. I discuss how they introduced an important institutional innovation: the Supreme Conservative Power (Supremo Poder Conservador), a neutral third-party mechanism, to manage conflicts between the three branches of government. This is the only case in the Hispanic world where a mechanism of this kind was established in a republican regime. The aim of this article is to gauge the breadth and limitations of this mechanism. Los procesos constituyentes derivados de las revoluciones Atlánticas, incluyendo aquellos que se llevaron a cabo en América Latina, estuvieron marcados por la búsqueda de un diseño constitucional que garantizara a la vez el equilibrio entre los tres órganos de gobierno y la unidad del poder del Estado. Este artículo analiza los esfuerzos realizados en México para elaborar un diseño constitucional que evitara la fragmentación de la estructura política del Estado mexicano. Se concentra en el estudio de un innovador dispositivo constitucional: el Supremo Poder Conservador, que fungió como tercera parte neutral y cuya finalidad fue mediar en un eventual conflicto entre los tres poderes del Estado. La importancia del Supremo Poder Conservador consiste en el hecho de haber sido el único dispositivo de esta índole en el mundo Hispánico que fue establecido en un régimen republicano. El objetivo principal en este artículo es indagar los alcances y los límites de tal mecanismo.

Biskupi i władcy świeccy Rusi w orbicie politycznych wpływów Moskwy doby metropolity Cypriana

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcin Grala
Keyword(s):  
Political Influence ◽  
The Political ◽  
15Th Century ◽  
Ecclesiastical Authority ◽  
Military Conflicts ◽  
North Eastern ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Grand Duchy Of Lithuania ◽  
Church Policy ◽  
Grand Duchy

BISHOPS AND SECULAR RULERS OF RUTHENIA UNDER THE POLITICAL INFLUENCE OF MOSCOW DURING THE TIME OF METROPOLITAN CYPRIAN The subject of this dissertation is the broadly understood church policy in North- -Eastern Ruthenia at the turn of the 15th century. At that time, the political situation in this region was dominated by the rivalry between Moscow and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania as well as other local political entities involved that wanted to retain their independence. Political disagreements that emerged in Ruthenia at the end of the 14th century were not limited to military conflicts. Since Metropolitan Alexius associated himself with Moscow, it became apparent that ecclesiastical influence began to play a very important role as well. Alexius used his power and ecclesiastical authority to tame the political ambitions of the rulers of Tver and Suzdal. Soon, he was using the same weapon in the conflict between Moscow and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.

scholarly journals “What Value Should We Attach to All These Petitions?”: Petition Campaigns and the Problem of Legitimacy in the Nineteenth-Century Netherlands

2019 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 509-530 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maartje Janse
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Liberal Education ◽  
Political System ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Education Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Context

This article focuses on large-scale petitioning campaigns, or petitionnementen as they were called, organized between 1828 and 1878, including contemporary reflections and debates on this new phenomenon. Although there were only a handful of petitionnementen, they had a remarkable impact—not only on the issues at hand but also on the balance of power between Crown, Cabinet, Parliament, and people. Mass petitions necessarily challenged the political system, whose legitimacy was based on elections under a limited franchise. Based on parliamentary reports, pamphlets, and other sources reflecting on petitioning in general and the petitionnementen more specifically, this article asks how petitioners claimed legitimacy, and how politicians and other observers responded to those claims. Special attention is given to the international context within which Dutch petitioning practices developed. The article focuses on three case studies, representing the major petitioning campaigns of this period: the Southern petition movements of 1828–1830 that were a catalyst for the Belgian revolution (thus reinforcing the association between mass petitioning and revolution), the Anti-Catholic “April Movement” of 1853, and the so-called People’s Petitionnement of 1878, against the liberal education law. Remarkably enough, in the Netherlands it was not progressive reformers, but most prominently conservative Orthodox Protestants who organized petitionnementen.

II. Pre-War Political Influences in Postwar Conservative Parties

1948 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 940-957
Author(s):  
Kenneth E. Colton
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Democratic Liberal Party ◽  
Post War ◽  
Progressive Party

In normal times and as to normal countries, the study of the continuity of political party life would be of interest mainly to the political scientist. But these are not normal times, and Japan today is not a normal country. In 1948, the subject holds far more than academic interest, and it is intimately affected by the supervision of Japanese administration by the Allied Powers.Allied policy affecting the continuity of political influence is shown in the famed “purge directive” of January 4, 1946, known as SCAPIN 550, “The Removal and Exclusion of Undesirable Personnel from Public Office.” This article, however, is not concerned with that directive but with the character of the pre-war political influence that remains after the purge has cut out affected elements. It is concerned with the element of pre-war political leadership present in the founding of the two major postwar conservative parties, the effect of the purge directive upon their leadership, their organizational and institutional character, the political influence of governmental bureaucracies, and the problem of party finance. Finally, attention is given to the possibility of a merger of the prewar elements into one post-war organization.The two conservative parties contending for political supremacy today are the Democratic-Liberal party (Minshu Jiyu-to), and the Democratic party (Minshuto), respectively the direct lineal descendants of the Liberal party (Jiyuto) and the Progressive party (Shimpoto), both of which were organized in November, 1945.

From Sherry to Spanish White

Creating Wine ◽  
2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Simpson
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Organizational Change ◽  
Market Power ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
International Markets ◽  
The Political ◽  
Rapid Drop

This chapter shows the nature and limits of organizational change in the production and sale of sherry over the nineteenth century. Despite an apparent flexibility in responding to increased demand in international markets, a decline in the reputation of sherry caused a rapid drop in sales, as merchants in Jerez and especially Britain sold adulterated and cheap imitation wines. Although there was much talk about protecting the name of sherry in Jerez, this proved difficult because of the diversity of interests within the producing region itself. The big export houses responded to weaker demand for their fine sherries by moving down-market to achieve volume. While the political influence of small growers in France allowed them to capture market power from the merchants by establishing regional appellations and cooperatives, this did not happen in Jerez.

Central/local government relations in England: an outline 1800–1950

Urban History ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 38-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. P. Hennock
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Urban History ◽  
Social Science Research ◽  
Science Research ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Good Opportunity ◽  
Government Relations ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The University

In April 1980 a group of urban historians and political scientists met at the University of York under the auspices of the Social Science Research Council to pool what they knew about the changing relations between central and local government and to identify areas for future research. The initiative had come from the political scientists whose interest in the subject had been stimulated by recent government policy. Those who attended from among the historians had to confess that this was not a subject that had recently been much discussed among them. When I was invited by the editor of this Yearbook to contribute an article on a neglected aspect of urban history, it seemed a good opportunity to draw the attention of the urban history group to the subject. What follows is an amended version of the paper that had originally been written for the SSRC seminar.

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