Foreign Aid after the Cold War

Author(s):  
Keith Griffin
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Author(s):  
N.V. Varghese

With the end of the Cold War political returns on foreign aid diminished.Many countries came to recognise trade as a more development-friendlymodality than aid. Internationalisation of higher education also shiftedfrom aid related cooperation agreements to market mediated cross-bordertrade arrangements within the framework of the General Agreementon Trade in Services (GATS). This article examines the changing face ofinternationalisation of higher education with a focus on the Indian experience.It argues that while internationalisation and cross-border mobilityare mediated by market processes and economic rationality in most countries,the Indian government’s initiatives to internationalise Indian highereducation are motivated by extending diplomatic relations to enable thecountry to play a more prominent role in global affairs.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fumitaka Furuoka

AbstractThis paper examines a new trend in Japan's Official Development Assistance (ODA) policy that emerged at the end of the Cold War. In 1992, the Japanese government adopted the "Official Development Assistance Charter," which obliged Japan to use its foreign aid to promote human rights, democracy, and freedom. Since the beginning of the 1990s, there have been cases when Japan imposed "human rights conditionalities" by increasing the amount of foreign aid to the recipient countries with good human rights records and reducing economic assistance to the countries with poor human rights practices. However, there remain doubts whether Japan is truly committed to use its aid power as leverage to ensure that democracy and human rights are respected by the governments of its aid recipients. This paper uses panel data analysis to examine whether the condition of human rights in aid-recipient countries has become one of the factors that influence Japan's ODA allocation. The findings reveal the lack of evidence to prove that the human rights condition in aid-recipient countries has influenced the allocation of Japanese aid.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-79
Author(s):  
Surinder Mohan ◽  
J. Susanna Lobo

This article traces the impact of superpowers’ foreign aid on India and Pakistan during the early decades of the Cold War. It shows how the American policy-makers have drawn their initial strategies to bring India under the Western fold and later, when the Indian leadership resisted by adopting the foreign policy non-alignment, charted a new approach to keep it at an adequate distance from the Soviet influence—particularly by exploiting its food insecurity and inability to complete the five-year plans. In contrast, the Soviet Union extended project-aid to India which assisted it to build much required large industrial base and attain self-sufficiency in the long run. By adhering to the non-aligned doctrine, India not only managed a negotiable balance with the superpower politics but also extracted considerable benefits for its overall development. On the other hand, aligned Pakistan had shown least enthusiasm with regard to self-sufficiency and pursued policies imbued with militarism which ended up it as a rent-seeking dependent state.


2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin M. Morrison

How does the internal organization of a foreign aid donor affect its aid allocation decisions? Despite the voluminous literature on the political economy of foreign aid, little systematic scholarship exists on this topic. This paper analyzes the allocations of the International Development Association (IDA), the World Bank's lending arm for the poorest countries, to all eligible countries between 1977 and 2005. While factors such as a country's need and its policy environment have consistently impacted IDA's allocation decisions, other factors have changed in important ways. For example, IDA disbursements do not follow US aid disbursements in the post–Cold War period the way they did during the Cold War. And most strikingly, IDA's allocations have become tightly linked to debt owed to IDA's sister organization, the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD). While IDA used to shy away from countries with higher debt to the IBRD, the last two decades have seen IDA engage in apparently defensive lending for the IBRD, lending more to countries with outstanding balances to that institution. The results suggest greater focus on the internal structures of donors would yield insight into their allocation decisions.


1991 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 645-685 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith Griffin
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  

1977 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-239
Author(s):  
Rupert Wilkinson

As the principal materials for a study of values, The Ugly American (1958) and Fail-Safe (1962) fit well together. Though each was written by two authors, they have one author in common, the late Eugene Burdick. Both were best-selling novels and made into movies. Both were political cautionary tales, seeking to present dire realities in fictional form. The Ugly American, making the case for a more adept social and economic war on communism in South-east Asia, prompted a Congressional investigation of foreign aid and formed part of the climate which later produced the “ low-technology ” Peace Corps and the Kennedy interest in sophisticated-seeming counter-insurgency. Fail-Safe, attacking the beautiful but dangerous, “ high-technology ” nuclear weapons systems of the Cold War, was written in part as a deliberate campaign for arms control and caused a secret Pentagon review of safeguards against accidental war. Both books attracted attention at the Kennedy White House, and in keeping with New Frontier images, both featured the tough but humane professional, socially sensitive but highly controlled. Self-reliant and resourceful individualists, the heroes of these books are, nevertheless, geared to draw on highly-tuned supporting organizations as well as intensive training or experience.


Author(s):  
Muhamad Takiyuddin Ismail ◽  
Maiko Ichihara ◽  
Amalin Sabiha Ismail

This article addresses a neglected area in Japan–Malaysia bilateral relations: democracy support. While Japan has established itself as a rising democracy supporter after the Cold War and more so in the 21st century, the country has provided Malaysia with only regime-compatible low-end assistance. Maintaining distance from pro-democracy actors, Japan continued giving de facto support to the semi-authoritarian government in Malaysia before the 2018 general election. There are two main causes: First, Japan emphasized democracy in its diplomacy with the intention of expanding its international influence and differentiate its diplomacy from that of China, rather than to promote democracy out of normative commitment. With a view to obtaining respect from and strengthening relations with state actors, Japan sought to nurture friendly relations with the Malaysian government despite its semi-authoritarian nature. Second, Japan saw elections as the most critical institution for democracy and did not intend to address the weak civil liberties in Malaysia. These two factors led Japanese projects to focus on the capacity building of public administrators as state actors rather than pushing for political change. Hence, Japan’s diplomacy and foreign aid to Malaysia have helped stabilize the status quo instead of supporting democratic diffusion.


Author(s):  
Sarah Blodgett Bermeo

This chapter applies the theory of targeted development to foreign aid and analyzes bilateral aid allocation from 23 donors to 156 recipient for the period 1973–2012. The targeted development framework predicts that donors will use aid where it can most benefit themselves by decreasing negative spillovers from underdevelopment, and that this concern with spillovers will have grown as globalization has increased. The analysis shows that in the post-2001 period, donors give more aid to nearby countries and to those that are linked to themselves through trade, migration, or historical ties. These countries have an increased likelihood of transmitting spillovers to the donor state. This marks a change from the Cold War period, when non-development considerations were leading determinants of aid policy. The analysis also shows that donors alter the composition of aid based on the quality of governance in a recipient, consistent with an attempt to increase aid effectiveness.


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