scholarly journals Racial disparities in school-based disciplinary actions are associated with county-level rates of racial bias

2019 ◽  
Vol 116 (17) ◽  
pp. 8255-8260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Travis Riddle ◽  
Stacey Sinclair

There are substantial gaps in educational outcomes between black and white students in the United States. Recently, increased attention has focused on differences in the rates at which black and white students are disciplined, finding that black students are more likely to be seen as problematic and more likely to be punished than white students are for the same offense. Although these disparities suggest that racial biases are a contributor, no previous research has shown associations with psychological measurements of bias and disciplinary outcomes. We show that county-level estimates of racial bias, as measured using data from approximately 1.6 million visitors to the Project Implicit website, are associated with racial disciplinary disparities across approximately 96,000 schools in the United States, covering around 32 million white and black students. These associations do not extend to sexuality biases, showing the specificity of the effect. These findings suggest that acknowledging that racial biases and racial disparities in education go hand-in-hand may be an important step in resolving both of these social ills.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shoshana Jarvis ◽  
Zoe Elina Ferguson ◽  
Jason Okonofua

Access to education is important for success as an adult. Exclusionary discipline (e.g., suspensions) reduces opportunities for students to complete their education and be strong candidates for future jobs. Black students face a disproportionately high risk of disciplinary action. Thus, it is important to understand when and how racial disparities in suspensions emerge in order to reduce their disproportionate negative impacts on Black students. Past research found racial disparities emerge after two misbehaviors among teachers and just a single misbehavior among assistant principals. The current research tests the generalizability of racial disparities in discipline from principals across the United States and a psychological process that potentially contributes to the racial disparities: their perception of their professional role relative to that of teachers. In this procedure and with a diverse sample, principals did not endorse significantly different amounts of discipline for Black and White students. We explore potential explanations of these null results in the discussion.


10.2196/13871 ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. e13871
Author(s):  
Hannah Speaks ◽  
Alyssa Falise ◽  
Kaitlin Grosgebauer ◽  
Dustin Duncan ◽  
Adam Carrico

Background In the United States, well-documented racial disparities in health outcomes are frequently attributed to racial bias and socioeconomic inequalities. However, it remains unknown whether racial disparities in mortality persist among those with higher socioeconomic status (SES) and occupational prestige. Objective As the celebrity population is generally characterized by high levels of SES and occupational prestige, this study aimed to examine survival differences between black and white film celebrities. Methods Using a Web-based, open-source encyclopedia (ie, Wikipedia), data for 5829 entries of randomly selected American film actors and actresses born between 1900 and 2000 were extracted. A Kaplan-Meier survival curve was conducted using 4356 entries to compare the difference in survival by race. A Cox semiparametric regression analysis examined whether adjusting for year of birth, gender, and cause of death influenced differences in survival by race. Results Most celebrities were non-Hispanic white (3847/4352, 88.4%), male (3565/4352, 81.9%), and born in the United States (4187/4352, 96.2%). Mean age at death for black celebrities (64.1; 95% CI 60.6-67.5 years) was 6.4 years shorter than that for white celebrities (70.5; 95% CI 69.6-71.4 years; P<.001). Black celebrities had a faster all-cause mortality rate using Kaplan-Meier survival function estimates and a log-rank test. However, in a Cox semiparametric regression, there was no longer a significant difference in survival times between black and white celebrities (hazard ratio 1.07; 95% CI 0.87-1.31). Conclusions There is some evidence that racial disparities in all-cause mortality may persist at higher levels of SES, but this association was no longer significant in adjusted analyses. Further research is needed to examine if racial disparities in mortality are diminished at higher levels of SES among more representative populations.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hannah Speaks ◽  
Alyssa Falise ◽  
Kaitlin Grosgebauer ◽  
Dustin Duncan ◽  
Adam Carrico

BACKGROUND In the United States, well-documented racial disparities in health outcomes are frequently attributed to racial bias and socioeconomic inequalities. However, it remains unknown whether racial disparities in mortality persist among those with higher socioeconomic status (SES) and occupational prestige. OBJECTIVE As the celebrity population is generally characterized by high levels of SES and occupational prestige, this study aimed to examine survival differences between black and white film celebrities. METHODS Using a Web-based, open-source encyclopedia (ie, Wikipedia), data for 5829 entries of randomly selected American film actors and actresses born between 1900 and 2000 were extracted. A Kaplan-Meier survival curve was conducted using 4356 entries to compare the difference in survival by race. A Cox semiparametric regression analysis examined whether adjusting for year of birth, gender, and cause of death influenced differences in survival by race. RESULTS Most celebrities were non-Hispanic white (3847/4352, 88.4%), male (3565/4352, 81.9%), and born in the United States (4187/4352, 96.2%). Mean age at death for black celebrities (64.1; 95% CI 60.6-67.5 years) was 6.4 years shorter than that for white celebrities (70.5; 95% CI 69.6-71.4 years; <italic>P</italic>&lt;.001). Black celebrities had a faster all-cause mortality rate using Kaplan-Meier survival function estimates and a log-rank test. However, in a Cox semiparametric regression, there was no longer a significant difference in survival times between black and white celebrities (hazard ratio 1.07; 95% CI 0.87-1.31). CONCLUSIONS There is some evidence that racial disparities in all-cause mortality may persist at higher levels of SES, but this association was no longer significant in adjusted analyses. Further research is needed to examine if racial disparities in mortality are diminished at higher levels of SES among more representative populations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 165-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ethan M. Bernick ◽  
Brianne Heidbreder

This research examines the position of county clerk, where women are numerically disproportionately over-represented. Using data collected from the National Association of Counties and the U.S. Census Bureau, the models estimate the correlation between the county clerk’s sex and county-level demographic, social, and political factors with maximum likelihood logit estimates. This research suggests that while women are better represented in the office of county clerk across the United States, when compared to other elective offices, this representation may be because this office is not seen as attractive to men and its responsibilities fit within the construct of traditional gender norms.


2021 ◽  
Vol 75 (Supplement_2) ◽  
pp. 7512500020p1-7512500020p1
Author(s):  
Alaa Abou-Arab ◽  
Rochelle Mendonca

Abstract Date Presented 04/13/21 Racial bias is defined as the negative evaluation of a group and its members relative to another and can exist on explicit and implicit levels. This is an exploratory study to examine the presence of implicit and explicit racial bias among OT professionals across the United States. The results (N = 201) highlight the presence of implicit and explicit racial biases among OT professionals in the United States and the need for further education on racial bias. Primary Author and Speaker: Alaa Abou-Arab Additional Authors and Speakers: Alee Leteria, Kristina Zanayed, and Susanne Higgins


2018 ◽  
Vol 122 (3) ◽  
pp. 880-898 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence Patihis ◽  
Corai E. Jackson ◽  
Jonathan C. Diaz ◽  
Elena V. Stepanova ◽  
Mario E. Herrera

Cultural differences between Black and White individuals in the South are connected to the inequitable history of the United States. We wondered if these cultural differences would translate to a particularly precious aspect of life: memories of love felt in childhood toward one’s parents. Some past studies have shown that Whites score higher on parental attachment measures to parents than Blacks, while other studies show no significant differences. However, no previous study has ever measured memory of feelings of love in relation to differences between ethnicities. In this study, Black ( n = 124) and White ( n = 125) undergraduates self-reported the strength and frequency of their past feelings of love toward their mother and father in first, sixth, and ninth grade as well as their current feelings of love. Results suggested that Black students reported feeling more love for their mothers in first, sixth, and ninth grades compared to White students. These findings were not explained when we statistically adjusted for age, gender, socioeconomic status, education levels, income, number of years spent living with mother or father, stress, or personality. Therefore, this relationship may be explained by unmeasured or unmeasurable cultural differences. The direction of this effect was in the opposite direction from what we expected based on past attachment research. Given the inequities in U.S. history and the current discussions around ethnicity and race in the United States, the finding that Blacks reported higher remembered feelings of love for their mothers in childhood is intriguing and worthy of dissemination and discussion.


Author(s):  
Armani Hawes ◽  
Genee Smith ◽  
Emma McGinty ◽  
Caryn Bell ◽  
Kelly Bower ◽  
...  

Significant racial disparities in physical activity—a key protective health factor against obesity and cardiovascular disease—exist in the United States. Using data from the 1999–2004 National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey and the 2000 United States (US) Census, we estimated the impact of race, individual-level poverty, neighborhood-level poverty, and neighborhood racial composition on the odds of being physically active for 19,678 adults. Compared to whites, blacks had lower odds of being physically active. Individual poverty and neighborhood poverty were associated with decreased odds of being physically active among both whites and blacks. These findings underscore the importance of social context in understanding racial disparities in physical activity and suggest the need for future research to determine specific elements of the social context that drive disparities.


Author(s):  
Stacy Imagbe ◽  
Baofu Wang ◽  
Yang Liu ◽  
Jared Androzzi ◽  
Xiangli Gu ◽  
...  

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to examine the potential racial disparities in education for active living (i.e., regular participation in moderate to vigorous physical activity with mitigated and interrupted levels of sedentary behavior) between Black/African American and White students. Methods: The study took place in one public middle school located in the Southeastern region of the United States. A total of 167 Black and 168 White students in sixth, seventh, and eighth grades completed a written test and a survey in physical education to assess active living knowledge and behaviors, respectively. Results: Multivariate analysis of covariance and tests of between-subjects effects showed significant race differences. Specifically, Black students scored significantly lower on the knowledge test and reported lower levels of physical activity out of school, and higher levels of sedentary behavior than White students, after controlling for grade and gender. Conclusion: The results identified racial disparities in knowledge and behaviors of active living. Tailored, culturally relevant active living education in and out of schools are needed to level the playing field for Black students.


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