Testing the applicability of third tone sandhi at the intonation boundary

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 636-651
Author(s):  
Chin-Ting Liu ◽  
Li-mei Chen
Keyword(s):  
Fundamental Frequency ◽  
Word Frequency ◽  
Native Speakers ◽  
Strong Support ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Tone Sandhi ◽  
Frequency Effects ◽  
Taiwan Mandarin ◽  
Boundary Issues ◽  
Phonological Phrase

Abstract The purpose of this study is to test the applicability of Tone Three Sandhi (T3S) when the critical syllable is a monosyllabic topic preceding a topic boundary. A recitation task from 37 native speakers of Taiwan Mandarin was employed. The results from human judgements indicated that the participants predominantly produced the critical syllables with Tone 3 (T3). Additionally, the fundamental frequency of the critical syllables demonstrated a falling contour, showing that T3S was not applied. Intonation break-ups and the prolongation of the critical syllables lent strong support to the view that the topic syllable was at an intonation/phonological phrase-final position. The findings can be elegantly accommodated by constraint-based analyses, which propose that T3S must be avoided when two T3 syllables are separated by an intonation/phonological phrase boundary. Issues relating to pauses, speech rates and word frequency effects are also discussed.

Tonal Neutralization of Taiwanese Checked and Smooth Syllables: An Acoustic Study

2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 452-474
Author(s):  
Yu-Fu Chien ◽  
Allard Jongman
Keyword(s):  
Speech Production ◽  
Fundamental Frequency ◽  
Controversial Issue ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Tone Sandhi ◽  
Tone Duration ◽  
Underlying Representation ◽  
Acoustic Study ◽  
F0 Contour

Taiwanese tonal alternation is realized in a circular chain shift fashion for both smooth and checked syllables. Debate regarding the processes of less productive Taiwanese tonal alternation has centered on whether a surface tone is derived from an underlying tone, or whether a surface tone is selected without undergoing any derivation. The current study investigates this controversial issue by examining Taiwanese checked tone and smooth tone sandhi neutralization in production. In particular, we analyzed whether checked citation and sandhi tone 53 (C21→C53), checked citation and sandhi tone 21 (C53→C21), smooth citation and sandhi tone 55 (S51→S55), and smooth citation and sandhi tone 21 (S33→S21) are acoustically completely neutralized in fundamental frequency (F0) height, contour, and duration. A non-sandhi exception was also included to evaluate the effect of position-in-word on F0 height and duration given that citation tones always appear in phrase-final position. Any trace of influence from the underlying representation would indicate a computational mechanism, whereas the absence of any trace would suggest a lexical mechanism for the production of Taiwanese tonal alternation. Results did not show any influence of F0 height, F0 contour, or tone duration from the underlying representation for both checked and smooth tones, supporting a lexical mechanism in speech production for less productive tonal alternations.

Experience Matters

2020 ◽  
Vol 228 (4) ◽  
pp. 254-263 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro S. Mendes ◽  
Karlos Luna ◽  
Pedro B. Albuquerque
Keyword(s):  
Word Frequency ◽  
High Frequency ◽  
Recall Test ◽  
Judgments Of Learning ◽  
Direct Experience ◽  
Frequency Effects ◽  
Actual Frequency ◽  
Actual Word ◽  
High Frequency Words

Abstract. The present study tested if word frequency effects on judgments of learning (JOLs) are exclusively due to beliefs or if the direct experience with the items also plays a role. Across four experiments, participants read prompts about the frequency of the words (high/low), which could be congruent/incongruent with the words’ actual frequency. They made pre-study JOLs (except Experiment 1b), immediate JOLs, and completed a recall test. If experience drives the effect, JOLs should be based on actual word frequency rather than the prompts. Results showed higher pre-study JOLs for prompts of high frequency, but higher immediate JOLs for high-frequency words regardless of the prompt, suggesting an effect of direct experience with the words. In Experiments 2 and 3, we manipulated participants’ beliefs, finding a small effect of beliefs on JOLs. We conclude that, regarding word frequency, direct experience with the items seems more relevant than beliefs when making immediate JOLs.

Word frequency effects and masked repetition priming: An ERP study

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marianna D. Eddy ◽  
Jonathan Grainger ◽  
Danielle Lopez ◽  
Phillip J. Holcomb
Keyword(s):  
Word Frequency ◽  
Repetition Priming ◽  
Frequency Effects ◽  
Masked Repetition

Masked repetition priming and word frequency effects for different Japanese scripts

1997 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yasushi Hino ◽  
Stephen J. Lupker ◽  
Taeko Ogawa ◽  
Chris R. Sears
Keyword(s):  
Word Frequency ◽  
Repetition Priming ◽  
Frequency Effects ◽  
Masked Repetition

Mechanisms of Tone Sandhi Rule Application by Non-Native Speakers

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Si Chen ◽  
Yunjuan He ◽  
Chun Wah Yuen ◽  
Bei Li ◽  
Yike Yang
Keyword(s):  
Native Speakers ◽  
Tone Sandhi ◽  
Rule Application

The intonation of wh-questions in Franco-Ontarian

1973 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-101
Author(s):  
Renée Baligand ◽  
Eric James
Keyword(s):  
Fundamental Frequency ◽  
Word Order ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Important Research ◽  
Grammatical Structure ◽  
Canadian French ◽  
Wh Questions ◽  
Interrogative Sentence ◽  
Question Intonation

The melodic structure of an interrogative utterance frequently depends on the grammatical structure of the sentence in question. In addition to the enunciative sentence of the kind vous venez? which bears a particular acoustic mark of interrogation, a rise in fundamental frequency in sentence-final position, there exist also interrogative utterances signalled by inversion of word order and still others marked by lexical means, the WH-questions. It is the intonation of this latter type of sentence which we intend to examine in the Canadian-French spoken in Ontario.The intonation of interrogative sentences has for some years been the object of important research in different languages. Wells (1945) and Trager and Smith (1951) note in English an intonation curve at the following levels: 2 - 3 - 1 - without any tonal prominence on the interrogative word. Armstrong and Ward (1926), Jones (1932) and Faure (1948) also find that this type of interrogative sentence has a descending intonation. Fries (1964) finds no specific intonation pattern in a spontaneous corpus from which he studied yes-no questions. For German, Von Essen (1956) notes two intonation patterns: one rising (question intonation) and one falling (interrogative intonation).

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