Les "langues immigrées" face à l'école française

1992 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabrielle Varro
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Mother Tongue ◽  
Social Representations ◽  
Large Fraction ◽  
Private Life ◽  
The Social ◽  
French School ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Government ◽  
Volunteer Associations

SUMMARY "Immigrant Languages" and the French School System The situation of children who continue to be called "immigrant" in France, even though most of them were born or raised there, is paradoxical to say the least. On one hand, the government seeks to integrate the foreign communities established in France, and this would tend to relegate language maintenance to the sphere of private life. But at the same time, education experts have since 1970 imposed the idea that a foreign child will only learn his or her second language well (French in this case) only if he or she first learns to speak, read and write his/her "mother tongue" or "language of origin". Such culturally determined notions have dictated specific policies in the public schools which in fact often serve to create segregation. This article attempts, in sociolinguistic and historic perspective, to analyze a situation which concerns a large fraction of the school population in France, in four parts: (1) The status of foreigners and their languages in France and the social representations surrounding them; (2) Government policy concerning foreign pupils and languages in public schools since 1970; (3) Volunteer associations and "mother tongue" maintenance; (4) Family strategies. RESUMO "Enmigrulaj lingvoj" : kaj la franca lerneja sistemo La situacio de tiuj infanoj, kiujn, kvankam naskitaj kaj edukitaj en Francio, oni daŭre nomas "enmigrintoj", estas, minimume dirite, paradoksa. Unuflanke, la registaro celas integrigi la eksterlandajn komunumojn establitajn en Francio, kaj tio emus al sovo de lingva konservado al la sfero de la privata vivo; sed aliflanke edukistoj ekde 1970 trudas la ideon, ke eksterlanda infano bone lernos sian duan lingvon (ci-kaze la francan) nur se li/si unue lernos paroli, legi kaj skribi sian "denaskan lingvon" au "lingvon de origino". Tiaj kulture determinitaj nocioj diktis specifajn politikojn en la publikaj lernejoj, kiuj ofte kreas izoligon. La aŭtoro celas, laŭ socilingvistika kaj historia perspektivo, analizi situacion, kiu tuŝas grandan nombron de lernejanoj francaj, en kvar stadioj: la statuso de eksterlandanoj kaj iliaj lingvoj en Francio, kaj la sociaj prezentiĝoj, kiuj ĉirkaŭas ilin; registara politiko pri ekster-landaj lernejanoj kaj lingvoj en publikaj lernejoj de post 1970; volontulaj asocioj kaj konservado de "denaskaj lingvoj"; familiaj strategioj.

scholarly journals REPRESENTAÇÕES SOCIAIS DE ESTUDANTES DO NONO ANO DO ENSINO FUNDAMENTAL SOBRE LEITURA E ESCRITA

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 182-196
Author(s):  
Lucilia Vernaschi de Oliveira ◽  
Solange Franci Raimundo Yaegashi ◽  
Simone de Souza ◽  
João Gabriel Yaegashi ◽  
Tatiana Lemes de Araújo Batista ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Teaching And Learning ◽  
Basic Education ◽  
Mother Tongue ◽  
Social Representations ◽  
Northern Region ◽  
Reading Practices ◽  
The Social ◽  
Brazilian Students ◽  
Ninth Grade Students

The present research is based on Serge Moscovici's Theory of Social Representations (TSR) and presents a quantiqualitative approach in the collection and analysis of the social representations (SR) of the subjects researched on the systematic teaching of our mother tongue worked in Basic Education. For this, we aimed to investigate the social representations of ninth grade students about the teaching and learning of reading and writing. Thirty-seven (37) students from two state public schools, located in a municipality in the northern region of the state of Paraná, participated inthe research, being 23 (twenty-three) students from Central School 1 (EC1) and 14 (fourteen) from Peripheral School 1 (EP1). The respondents answered a questionnaire with 18 (eighteen) questions, 9 (nine) referring to reading and 9 (nine) about writing. For the presentation of the collected SR, we elaborated two charts in which we synthesized the research statistical data; the first presents the aspects related to the students reading practices, the second, in turn, shows the reading practices. Moreover, according to the Moscovici assumptions we qualitatively discuss the SR obtained by the research. Overall, the SR of the respondent’s report that most read and write poorly, which confirms the results of external evaluations, as well as complaints from teachers, parents, and other school professionals about poor brazilian students achievement.

scholarly journals THE ROLE OF THE «MIZRACHI» POLITICAL PARTY IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF JEWISH PRIVATE SCHOOLING IN INTERWAR POLAND

2020 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 69-80
Author(s):  
Oksana RUDA
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Jewish History ◽  
Mother Tongue ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
Medium Of Instruction ◽  
Jewish State ◽  
Interwar Poland ◽  
Jewish Students ◽  
The Government

The activity of the Jewish party «Mizrachi» in the 20s and the 30s of the 20th century, aimed at developing private Jewish schooling with Hebrew as the medium of instruction, is analyzed. In interwar Poland, Jewish students were deprived of the opportunity to receive primary education in public schools in the mother tongue as the medium of instruction, as government officials only partially implemented the Little Treaty of Versailles of 1919. The development of Jewish schooling was also complicated by the Polonization policy, the cultural and linguistic heterogeneity of Poland's Jews. Polish-speaking «szabasówka», who implemented a nationwide program of educating Jewish students in the spirit of loyalty to the government, facilitated their assimilation. That part of the Jewish community, which perceived these schools as an assimilation factor, actively participated in expanding the network of private Jewish schools with Yiddish or Hebrew mediums of instruction. An important part in the development of such religious and national educational institutions took the Mizrachi party, whose program principles combined the Jewish religious tradition with activities aimed at forming a Jewish state in Palestine. The author examines the activities of the Jewish cultural and educational societies «Jabne» and «Micyjon tejce Tora», which were cared for by «Mizrachi». The societies took part in establishing preschools, primary and secondary schools, teachers' seminaries, evening courses, public universities, reading clubs, libraries, and more. Both Judaic and secular subjects were taught in these educational institutions. Paying due attention to the teaching of Hebrew, Jewish literature, and Jewish history in schools helped preserve Jewish students' national identity. Keywords «Mizrachi» political party, Poland, cultural and educational societies, religious and national schools, Hebrew, Yiddish.

Developing Representations of User Pays Strategies in Nature-Based Tourism Settings

1997 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 241-248 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane Lee Burns
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Social Representations ◽  
Management Technique ◽  
Similarity Matrix ◽  
User Charges ◽  
The Social ◽  
Tourism Resources ◽  
The Government ◽  
Effective Use ◽  
Government Perspective

Content analysis of The Cairns Post and The Australian newspapers was undertaken to generate key ideas and themes on the issue of ‘user pays’ strategies. All articles referring to the strategy of user pays were selected to provide a sample of articles. Summary statistics indicated that most articles referred to tourism, presented the strategy with a negative approach, and were written from the government perspective. Priority issues that became apparent from the content analysis were: user charges, equity, environmental management, funding and taxes. These issues and other concepts relating to user pays strategies were presented to students in order to elicit word associations used to develop a similarity matrix. The similarity matrix was used to develop the social representations of user pays strategies in a multidimensional scaling model. User pays was found to be represented as a management technique for enabling effective use of natural resources. It was seen as a provider of funding for natural tourism resources and determined to have a closer relationship with tourism and host communities than other forms of charges, when they are applied in natural tourism settings.

Hegemonic and Polemical Beliefs: Culture and Consumption in the Social Representation of Wine

2011 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 237-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grégory Lo Monaco ◽  
Christian Guimelli
Keyword(s):  
Principal Component Analysis ◽  
Social Identity ◽  
Social Representations ◽  
Principal Component ◽  
Social Representation ◽  
Wine Consumption ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Consumption Practices ◽  
Social Debate

Wine, in France, is a cultural product. However, the issue of wine consumption has been at the centre of a recurring social debate. We decided to focus our study on the effect of consumption practices on this social representation as well as the variations in position-taking in very different normative contexts. Results revealed two distinct social representations according to consumption practice. Moreover, Guttman effect in principal component analysis uncovered a unique phenomenon which showed that participants (consumer vs. non consumer) were inclined to act differently only in the case of polemical issues when they perceived the investigator as a consumer vs. non consumer. Indeed, in the case of hegemonic beliefs they were inclined to act in the same way and their answers were not influenced by the status of the investigator. Results are discussed around the question of the links between social representations and social identity.

scholarly journals AN ATTEMPTS OF THE LEGAL CONSIDERATION OF RUSSIAN AUTHOCRACY’S INTERESTS DURING THE WORK ABOUT THE «RULES WICH MALOROSSIAN PEOPLE USING FOR COURT», 1743

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
Legal Norms ◽  
Russian People ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Legal Legitimacy ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
State Body

The article is devoted to the historical and legal study of the attempts to secure the legal interests of the Russian autocracy in the course of codification work on the drafting of the project "Rights judged by the Little Russian people" in 1743. The text of the monument itself and other historical sources as well as scientific literature are analyzed. topics. It is emphasized that already in the first half of XVIII century. the imperial government set itself the goal of achieving a rapprochement, and in the future, of unifying the legal system of the Hetmanate and Russia. It was for this purpose that a codification commission was created in its first composition in 1728. Decrees of the Government of the Russian Empire in 1728 and 1734 pp. she was granted the status of a state body, and her work was the nature of official systematization of the current legislation in the Hetmanate in the form of codification. It was found that the imperial government, through its representatives in Ukraine, as well as through its higher bodies, the College of Foreign Affairs and the Senate, closely followed the work of the Commission and often issued decrees to hasten the drafting of the Codex. Attention is drawn to the vivid attempts to secure the legal interests of the Russian autocracy in the course of work on the rights under which the Little Russian people are being judged, which, in particular, were found in the chapter "On the highest honor and power of the monarchy." It was here that the prerogatives of the "high-monarchic estate" were enshrined, which apparently constituted a borrowing from the legislation of Peter I and some other sources of law. It was emphasized that during the course of the codification work, which had been carried out for fifteen years and ended in 1743, the Russian autocracy had not been able to fully realize its purpose and impose a code on Ukraine, the norms of which would fully copy the relevant rules of imperial law. Contrary to the task, it still largely reflected the legal norms that existed in the current jurisprudence or in the social consciousness of the overwhelming majority of the elite of the Ukrainian population. In "Rights ..." the most clearly defined are those privileges, to which the Cossack elders and nobles have so eagerly sought legal legitimacy for several decades. That is why the draft code was not officially approved and was buried in the imperial archives.

Social Representations of a Controversial Peace Agreement: Subjective Public Meanings of the GRP-MILF MOA

2011 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-72
Author(s):  
Cristina Jayme Montiel ◽  
Judith M. de Guzman
Keyword(s):  
Social Representations ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Public Meanings

Using social representations theory, we studied the social meanings of a controversial Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. In Study One, we describe the discursive content of the social debate by content analyzing articles from newspapers and selected websites. Study Two uses a survey to examine the fit between social representations of the political elite, as found in media, and the nonelite in Mindanao territories where the MOA was hotly contested. Study Three presents the social representations of the MOA at the local level through analysis of key informant interviews and archival data. Discriminant analysis on survey data shows that in general, the debate of political elites in media mirrors the contentions on-the-ground. However, the issue of constitutionality was only taken up by the political elite. Our findings suggest that the political stumble of the GRP-MILF peace process lay in a lack of procedural fairness and an on-the-ground participatory process acceptable to all antagonistic parties. However, the socially represented fair procedure is not about conventional democratic ways like using or not using a constitutional frame, but rather about pragmatic positioning and public consultations.

Developing akoya pearl culture on the Australian east coast, challenges and constraints.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wayne O'Connor ◽  
Michael P. Heasman
Keyword(s):  
East Coast ◽  
Pearl Oyster ◽  
Recent Attempt ◽  
South Wales ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Benign Nature ◽  
The Government ◽  
Local Opposition ◽  
Independent Commission

Abstract Developing aquaculture in increasingly urbanized societies poses significant challenges. An example has been the recent attempt to establish a pearl industry in the sub-tropical waters of New South Wales (NSW) on the Australian east coast. NSW is Australia's most populous state with the vast majority of the population and development occurring along its coast. This development has led to conflict over land and water use. In 1993, interest began in developing a marine pearl industry using the native pearl oyster Pinctada imbricata. The NSW Government was approached and research was undertaken to establish the status of the P. imbricata population in NSW, its amenity to culture, its capacity to produce high quality pearls and the likely impacts that a pearl industry might have. In 2001 the first application to establish a 92 ha commercial farm was made, which met with considerable local public opposition. Concerns regarding the social, economic and environmental impact were raised and the government responded by establishing an independent Commission of Inquiry. While the Commission recommended that, with certain constraints, the farm could proceed, the government ultimately overturned the decision citing environmental concerns and refused the development application. A subsequent, significantly altered application was lodged in late 2003, but this application also met with local opposition and was similarly refused in mid-2004. Despite research confirming the environmentally benign nature of the proposal and the confirmation of economic viability, the failure to initially effectively allay public concerns ultimately prevented the acceptance these two applications. The future of a pearl industry in NSW is now unclear.

Political situation in Thailand: authoritarianism versus democracy

2021 ◽  
pp. 56
Author(s):  
Nataliya G. Rogozhina
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Student Protests ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Government ◽  
Current Stage

The article analyzes the features of the current stage of political development in Thailand, which are characterized by the collision of two trends - authoritarianism and democracy, which resulted in the establishment of a quasi-democratic regime. Despite the formal existence of democratic institutions of power - parliament, an independent court, and parties-none of them works for representative democracy, while maintaining their attachment to the interests of the traditional political establishment - the army, the bureaucracy, and big business. The article gives an assessment of the current political situation, which is characterized by the development of the democratic movement. The lack of opportunities for the opposition to transit to democracy within the framework of the parliamentary struggle explains the growth of street protests with the participation of young people. The student unrest that has engulfed the country over the past year and a half is a response of the democratic-minded segments of society to the strengthening of authoritarianism in the country's governance, with the accompanying infringement of civil rights and freedoms. The demands made by the anti-government forces ultimately amount to the reform of the political system. Their call for reform of the institution of the monarchy should also be viewed from this perspective. However, the lack of a broad democratic coalition limits the influence of student protests on the government. Assessing the prospects for the country's political development, the author comes to the conclusion that street protests alone will not change the status quo in politics. The potential influence of young people on the sphere of politics depends on mass support, which is possible only if the requirements put forward by them meet the social demand that forms the society.

Problems and Unproblems in Soviet Social Theory

Slavic Review ◽  
1964 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lewis S. Feuer
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
Intellectual Community ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Mathematical Sciences ◽  
The Government ◽  
Life Work

The status of sociology and philosophy in the Soviet Union is radically different from that of the physical and mathematical sciences. The sociologists and philosophers are still regarded by the government as ideologists, whereas the mathematicians and physicists are considered scientists; and the ideologist is in low repute in the Soviet intellectual community. Thirty years ago, Nikolai Bukharin observed in a remarkable essay that the cultural style of the current Soviet period would be technicism, and that the humanities and historical sciences would be relegated to the background. He believed that this “one-sidedness“ was founded on the economic requirements of the time. Probably, however, the hollowness in the life of the Soviet ideologist is equally responsible for his low estate. The sociologists and philosophers are not regarded as independent thinkers; their job as ideological workers is to provide a documentation and footnoted commentary on the decisions of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Young men of ability consequently tend to avoid choosing a life work in the social sciences and philosophy. Why, they say, should they sacrifice their intellectual independence at the outset of their lives?

Social, Cultural and Material Conditions of Students from Developing Countries in Italy

1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 355-369
Author(s):  
Renato D'Arca
Keyword(s):  
University Students ◽  
High Rate ◽  
The Public ◽  
Legislative Action ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Government ◽  
Material Conditions ◽  
University Degree ◽  
Recent Immigration

Recent immigration to Italy features certain traits, one of which is the high rate of educational attainment by immigrants. According to various evaluations (ISPES, 1990), 59 percent of the immigrant population obtained a high school diploma, while 13.5 percent possessed a university degree. For approximately five years, the CE.R.FE. (Research and Documentation Center) has conducted research on the social, cultural and material conditions of immigrant university students, highlighting the ambiguity of their condition (in addition to their perceptions of themselves) oscillating continuously between the status of student and immigrant. In particular, sample research was conducted 2 on non-EC university students present in Milan, Perugia, Rome, and Bari. The study was able to compare data collected at different times to information in a first study conducted in 1986, 3 and a second completed in 1990. It is interesting to note that these different research periods coincided with intensive legislative action by the government promulgated two laws regulating non-EC immigration, Law No. 943/86 and Law No. 39/90. Increased interest on the part of the government as well as of the public and press toward the immigration problem influenced – even though marginally – the development of the students’ non-EC immigrant perceptions of themselves and their roles.

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