The Tycho Brahe Corpus of Historical Portuguese

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlotte Galves

Abstract This article introduces the Tycho Brahe Corpus (TBC), a parsed corpus of Historical Portuguese built on the model of the Penn-York Corpora of English. As an illustration of the usefulness of the TBC, the article presents research on the evolution of the position and interpretation of subjects in Portuguese from the 16th to the 19th century. Two main claims emerge, in response to questions that have largely remained unanswered until now, due to the paucity of available data. One is that the texts of the classical period instantiate verb-movement to Comp in matrix clauses, reflecting a V2 grammar. The other is that quantitative and qualitative changes appearing in the texts of the authors born from the beginning of the 18th century on indicate that, at this period, verb-movement to Comp was lost and the modern SVO grammar emerged.

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leo Catana

Abstract This article critically explores the history and nature of a hermeneutic assumption which frequently guided interpretations of Plotinus from the 18th century onwards, namely that Plotinus advanced a system of philosophy. It is argued that this assumption was introduced relatively late, in the 18th and 19th centuries, and that it was primarily made possible by Brucker’s methodology for the history of philosophy, dating from the 1740s, to which the concept of a ‘system of philosophy’ was essential. It is observed that the concept is absent from Ficino’s commentary from the 15th century, and that it remained absent in interpretations produced between the 15th and 18th centuries. It is also argued that the assumption of a ‘system of philosophy’ in Plotinus is historically incorrect—we do not find this concept in Plotinus’ writings, and his own statements about method point in other directions. Eduard Zeller (active in the second half of the 19th century) is typically regarded as the first to give a satisfying account of Plotinus’ philosophy as a whole. In this article, on the other hand, Zeller is seen as having finalised a tradition initiated in the 18th century. Very few Plotinus scholars have examined the interpretative development prior to Zeller. Schiavone (1952) and Bonetti (1971), for instance, have given little attention to Brucker’s introduction of the concept of a ‘system of philosophy’. The present analysis, then, has value for an understanding of Plotinus’ Enneads. It also explains why “pre-Bruckerian” interpretations of Plotinus appear alien to the modern reader; the analysis may even serve to make some sense of the hermeneutics employed by Renaissance Platonists and commentators, who are often eclipsed from the tradition of Platonism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 59 (3–4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Márton Szilágyi

Mihály Fazekas’s epic poem was first published in 1815 without indicating the author; the author then intended to replace this “piratical edition”, published without his knowledge, with an authorised, revised edition, but still anonymously (1817). The article first discusses the philological questions of this publishing history with attention to the importance of textual modifications by the author. The study takes into consideration the questions surrounding the presumed source material’s origins known in international folklore, critically reviewing the standpoint of folkloristics and literary history so far. Then it concludes that it is not the title character of Lúdas Matyi who is the central figure, but the other important character, Döbrögi, because this latter one is capable of demonstrating the state of purity achieved through suffering, and Lúdas Matyi, who takes his revenge on him three times by beating him up, is only depicted as a means to that end. The article identifies the fundamental structural schemes of crime stories (Kriminalgeschichte) in the poetic solutions of the work, which genre became popular at the end of the 18th century-beginning of the 19th century, reaching Hungary via German intermediation in the 1810s.


2002 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 332-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paula Telesco

Enharmonicism steps to the fore only occasionally in 18th-century music. Indeed, over the past two centuries, it has been commonly assumed that it was invoked only when a special affect demanded it (as in the much-discussed "Dance of the Furies" from Rameau's Hippolyte et Aricie). But a survey of 18th-century music refutes this perception and reveals that the enharmonicism of the 18th century can be broadly defined as belonging to one of two categories: simultaneous or immediate enharmonicism, and retrospective enharmonicism. Most early 18th-century examples restrict their usage to the simultaneous/immediate type, which consists of reinterpretations of enharmonic pivot chords. Retrospective enharmonicism, on the other hand, is less common than immediate enharmonicism but is remarkable because it presages the expansion of the diatonic tonal system into the chromatic tonal system of the 19th century. Retrospective enharmonicism does not involve the reinterpretation of an enharmonic pivot chord, nor is a reinterpretation perceived at any one point; it becomes clear only in retrospect that one must have occurred. Rather than a negation of some resolution tendency, as happens in the reinterpretation of a dominant seventh as an augmented sixth, there is a (typically large-scale) trajectory away from some tonic which is eventually regained through the enharmonic door. Some note or chord is respelled as its enharmonic equivalent, but without any aural clue. Drastic key changes of the sort typically encountered in instances of retrospective enharmonicism are for the most part proscribed in the writings of such composers and theorists as Rameau, Kirnberger, Koch, Heinichen, and Vogler, all of whom wrote in detail about staying within an orbit of closely related keys and rarely going directly from one key to another too far away. Nevertheless, this type of enharmonicism was a recognized compositional resource which, though used relatively infrequently in the 18th century, came to occupy a more central place in the realm of available compositional techniques in the 19th century.


Author(s):  
Assumpta Muset Pons

El objetivo de este artículo es el de analizar la evolución de una dinastía de negociantes catalanes, los Vidal, a lo largo del siglo xviii y primera mitad del XIX. Es decir, desde su aparición en Copons, esta fecunda población de la Cataluña rural, pasando por su etapa de reputados hombres del comercio castellano, hasta su definitivo retorno al Principado. La suya fue una trayectoria brillante. Fruto de una compleja red de alianzas tejidas a partir de pactos asociativos y familiares minuciosamente calculados. Sus actividades comerciales se desarrollaron dentro del marco de la compañía de Manuel, Juan Vidal y Cía, una de las de más renombre del panorama vallisoletano del Setecientos. Sus intereses les llevaron a emparentar y a aliarse, a veces de forma reiterada, con otras destacadas estirpes: los Ramón y los Jover. Originarios de Copons y residentes en Valladolid. Esta fuerte endogamia se convirtió en un arma de doble filo, que contribuyó decisivamente a debilitar su capacidad de maniobra. La extinción de una de las dos ramas familiares permitió a los Jover tiacerse con el control de la firma patrimonial. Ivlientras que la otra prefirió reinstalarse en Copons, donde organizó nuevos pactos matrimoniales y asociativos dentro del ámbito de la próspera industria algodonera comarcal.The aim of this article is to analyze the evolution of a Catalán businessmen dinasty, the Vidal, throughout the 18th century and the first half of the 19th century. Firstly the beginning of the dinasty in Copons, a fecund village from the rural Catalonia, will be described. Secontly the period of reputable castilian businessmen will also be reportard. And, finally, their return to their original country. The Vidal dinasty followed a sucessful trajectory which was the result of a complex network of alliances. Those businessmen calculated their associative and family agreements in a very detailed way. Their commercial activities were developed into the setting of the Company of Manuel, Juan Vidal and Co. It was one the most famous companies in Valladolid in the 18th century. Because of their business interests they became related by marriage and allied to other families such as the Ramón and de Jover. They came from Copons as well, and they lived in Valladolid. The strenght of the inbreeding became a powerful gun and it helped to weaken their ability of manoeuvring. One of the tow family branches was estinguished and it allowed the Jover to control the hereditary firm. The other branch preferred to be installed in Copons again. It vt/as the location where they organizad new associative pacts and marriages of conveniences within the flourishing cotton industry of the región.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 186
Author(s):  
Alvaro Chaparro Sainz ◽  
Igor Camino Ortíz de Barrón

<div><p class="Body1">The historical events change the life of an educational institution. In case of the Royal Seminar of Vergara, as a consequence of numerous warlike, political, social and economic situations during almost hundred years, the establishment have lived a great number of variations in his organisation. In this work, we aim to approach a wide perspective study of this establishment. We consider that, in spite of the nominative changes or the alterations in the pedagogic profile of the Seminar, we are before the same institution from ends of the 18th century up to the half of the 19th century. To observe with major detail the evolution of this school, we have decided to centre our attention on the students, that is to say, on the principal agents of the institution. We have had the option to know the biographic paths of the students, which help us to consider if the historical changes have caused modifications in the social profile of the establishment or if, on the other hand, the Royal Seminar of Vergara continued appearing as the preferential option for the families that traditionally had sent to educate their childrens to the above mentioned institution.</p></div>


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (21) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Katalin Simon

This study aims to demonstrate sanitary aspects of the outskirts of Buda on the southern Gellért Hillside, which separated itself markedly from the city centre in the 18th century. This area, by its separation, was a proper place for establishing temporary hospitals during the two major plague epidemics of the century (1709–1710 and 1738–1740). Similarly, the small nearby island of Danube used earlier as a meadow, served as a place for separation of patients at the same time. The name of the two contemporary hospitals, the plague cemetery and the chapel founded in memoriam of the plague victims commemorate the raving pestilence. On the other hand, the area played a key role in bathing culture by the so-called ’Muddy Bath’ (Sáros fürdő, Blockbad, the predecessor of today’s Gellért Bath). Close to the bath, popular among soldiers, there was founded a garrison branch hospital at the end of the century, as a result of which the area was gradually transformed into a military-sanitary centre in the 19th century.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 9-21
Author(s):  
Pablo Oyarzun R. ◽  

In this paper contingency is estimated as an essentially identifying trait of the (modern) world emerging from the radical upheavals of the late 18th century and the beginnings of the 19th century. If contingency is the mark of the (modern) world as world, the question arises how human beings should, or merely could deal with it. For the purpose of discussing this issue, the usual alternative of violence and dialogue is considered. Nevertheless, the intention is not merely to oppose violent to rational conduct. Taking recourse to two authors who had a particularly acute sense of contingency, Heinrich von Kleist and Paul Celan, the aim of this paper, on the one hand, is to discuss a concept of violence that is not merely instrumental, nor attributable to merely subjective intentions, but that has the significance of the principle of overcoming contingency by way of absolutely forcing order or absolutely renouncing to it. On the other hand, it involves discussing a concept of dialogue that is essentially different to what may be called the institution of Western dialogue, characterized by the disembodiment of the word, and therefore to suggest the concept of a radically embodied dialogue as a way to positively deal with contingency.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric R. Scerri

<span>The very nature of chemistry presents us with a tension. A tension between the exhilaration of diversity of substances and forms on the one hand and the safety of fundamental unity on the other. Even just the recent history of chemistry has been al1 about this tension, from the debates about Prout's hypothesis as to whether there is a primary matter in the 19th century to the more recent speculations as to whether computers will enable us to virtually dispense with experimental chemistry.</span>


1997 ◽  
Vol 24 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 115-138
Author(s):  
Marina Maquieira

Summary This paper examines a treatise on Spanish grammar, i.e., a particular grammar which follows the tradition of French philosophical grammar. Bachiller D. Antonio Martínez de Noboa’s work, published in 1839, appears in a century when the Spanish grammatical tradition is at its best. Texts like Vicente Salvá’s (1786–1849) and of course Andrés Bello’s (1781–1865) have in recent years attracted the attention of researchers. However, Martínez de Noboa’s work is much less known, although Gómez Asencio (1981, 1985) did highlight its importance in his two indispensable studies of the period between 1771 and 1847. The Nueva Gramática de la lengua Castellana is indebted to the framework set by José Gómez de Hermosilla (1835) and Jacobo Saqueniza (1828), although it does include some original observations. This paper examines the structure of the work in question and aims to show how it is in global terms a unified text combining different aspects, of which the most striking is without doubt the syntactic one. With this aim in mind certain specific examples of the analogy pertaining to syntax have been studied. First those he himself highlighted, e.g., the article/pronoun and verb and then those comments on syntax which are logically pertinent, e.g., conjunctions. Noboa himself was cited as was Saqueniza as having been responsible for the introduction of distinction between coordinate and subordinate conjunctions in Spanish grammar, along with the distinction between simple and complex clauses. On the purely syntactic level, it was also Noboa who refined the whole notion of verbal government. Finally, there is a brief summary of the section dedicated to pronunciation and spelling which are also considered by the author to be in some way related to the other parts of the grammar. In sum, what makes this work particularly interesting is undoubtedly the emphasis on syntax as more studies had been carried out on morphology than in any other area up until the 19th century and continued after Noboa to monopolise questions concerning grammar throughout this century.


1979 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
John C. Kramer

Opium smoking began spreading slowly but steadily in China from early in the 18th Century. It grew through the 19th Century to the point that by the end of the century it became a nearly universal practice among males in some regions. While estimates vary, it appears that most smokers consumed six grams or less daily. Addicted smokers were occasionally found among those smoking as little as three grams daily, but more often addicted smokers reported use of about 12 grams a day or more. An individual smoking twelve grams of opium probably ingests about 80 mg. of morphine. Thirty mg. of morphine daily may induce some withdrawal signs, while 60 mg. daily are clearly addicting. While testimony varied widely, it appears likely that most opium smokers were not disabled by their practice. This appears to be the case today, too, among those peoples in southeast Asia who have continued to smoke opium. There appear to be social and perhaps psychophysiological forces which work toward limiting the liabilities of drug use.


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