Doing gender activism in a donor-organized framework: Constraints and opportunities in Kyrgyzstan

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joanna Pares Hoare

Providing support to “civil society” in the form of funding to non-governmental organizations (NGOs) became a central aspect of development engagement in Kyrgyzstan and other post-socialist countries in the 1990s, seen as a means of ensuring “good governance,” promoting participation, and providing a safety net of sorts to those who were left vulnerable by the market reforms that followed the collapse of Communism. Since then, donor engagement in Kyrgyzstan has led to the development of a thriving NGO sector, taken to embody “civil society” and to be a sign of the country's democratization, in comparison to its neighbors. However, this sector is dependent on support from international donors, and faces increasing hostility for supposedly representing outside interests, rather than effectively addressing the needs of the Kyrgyzstani population. This is particularly the case in regard to work on women's rights and gender equality. Based on interviews with 16 self-described activists working on gender issues, this paper explores what it is like to “do” gender activism in this practical and discursive environment. For my respondents, activity in the NGO sector emerges as not only a process that goes far beyond the straightforward implementation of donor agendas, but also one that does not necessarily “fit” with dominant understandings of what constitutes civil society activism.

Author(s):  
Mike Schroeder ◽  
Paul Wapner

What is the relationship between the United Nations and civil society? Has the relationship changed over time? This chapter demonstrates how both the UN and civil society benefit from sustained interaction. It investigates civil society’s role in the UN’s struggle to gain legitimacy, assert its authority, and carry out its missions. Similarly, it explores how civil society actors engage the UN as they work to garner credibility, support, and governing authority. It argues that the limitations of statism—the overriding power of states in world affairs—inspire the UN to work with civil society and encourage both the UN and civil society to make claims to be representatives of the world’s peoples. It starts by defining civil society and then describes the cooperative and conflictual interactions between the UN and civil society. The chapter concludes by analyzing these interactions in the context of questions of legitimacy, accountability, and good governance.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Binh Thi Le

<p>In Vietnam, Confucian doctrine has traditionally influenced gender issues. Although, the determination of Government has brought about considerable improvements in gender equality in society, there remains a need for interventions from a variety of stakeholders including Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). Recently, both International NGOs (INGOs) and Local NGOs (LNGOs) have increased in scope, size, and resources to address development issues in general and gender issues in particular in the specific context of Vietnam. They all play a pivotal role in delivering services and advocacy in an effort to enable Vietnamese people to live in a society of justice and well-being. However, there continues to be a gap between the rhetoric and practice of these organizations for both internal and external reasons. This research analyses the process of integrating gender into an INGO and an LNGO’s policies and development projects drawing on semi-structured interviews with staff in these organizations. The study explores the extent to which these NGOs use gender mainstreaming as a tool to achieve the goal of gender equality in their own organization and project sites. What challenges and opportunities for each organization exist? The findings indicate that in reference to gender mainstreaming, these NGOs, more or less, have encountered a series of common obstacles found in literature from other parts of the world. They also highlight the importance of the approach to gender work taken by NGOs. Each approach must be based on the specific conditions and characteristics of each organization and more importantly adaptable to the context, culture, and traditions of Vietnam. As a part of gender mainstreaming, NGOs are starting to pay attention to the work/home divides of their staff as a critically important element in organizational culture aiming to get the organization in order first before integrating gender into other dimensions of their development work. Both NGOs have the strong determination to have more male staff in office and involve more men in projects to address gender issues. Furthermore, the lack of openness and dialogue on implementing gender mainstreaming in the NGO community makes a part of the findings. These particular aspects of organisational practice were highlights of this thesis.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Binh Thi Le

<p>In Vietnam, Confucian doctrine has traditionally influenced gender issues. Although, the determination of Government has brought about considerable improvements in gender equality in society, there remains a need for interventions from a variety of stakeholders including Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). Recently, both International NGOs (INGOs) and Local NGOs (LNGOs) have increased in scope, size, and resources to address development issues in general and gender issues in particular in the specific context of Vietnam. They all play a pivotal role in delivering services and advocacy in an effort to enable Vietnamese people to live in a society of justice and well-being. However, there continues to be a gap between the rhetoric and practice of these organizations for both internal and external reasons. This research analyses the process of integrating gender into an INGO and an LNGO’s policies and development projects drawing on semi-structured interviews with staff in these organizations. The study explores the extent to which these NGOs use gender mainstreaming as a tool to achieve the goal of gender equality in their own organization and project sites. What challenges and opportunities for each organization exist? The findings indicate that in reference to gender mainstreaming, these NGOs, more or less, have encountered a series of common obstacles found in literature from other parts of the world. They also highlight the importance of the approach to gender work taken by NGOs. Each approach must be based on the specific conditions and characteristics of each organization and more importantly adaptable to the context, culture, and traditions of Vietnam. As a part of gender mainstreaming, NGOs are starting to pay attention to the work/home divides of their staff as a critically important element in organizational culture aiming to get the organization in order first before integrating gender into other dimensions of their development work. Both NGOs have the strong determination to have more male staff in office and involve more men in projects to address gender issues. Furthermore, the lack of openness and dialogue on implementing gender mainstreaming in the NGO community makes a part of the findings. These particular aspects of organisational practice were highlights of this thesis.</p>


Author(s):  
عاصم علي حسن الشرفي

Countries and governments are seeking to develop their societies and achieve prosperity with growth for their people, through achieving comprehensive sustainable development, which guarantees the right of current generations to well-being, and preserving the right of subsequent generations through good exploitation of available resources, wealth and full preservation to the surrounding environment and not to destroy it. However, good governance reflects to recent global developments and changes that have coincided with changing in the system of political governance and the role of governments, as this concept was put forward in the framework of political programs in order to achieve development goals. Thus, good governance was provided and supported by international non-governmental organizations, such as the United Nations and international financial institutions, such as the World Bank, in order to add an authoritative, ethical way to practice power in managing the affairs of states and societies. The problem in this research paper was the extent of the contribution of civil society organizations in the development process, as a result of the weak role of governments and states, which forced these organizations to work side by side with governments in the process of achieving sustainable development. This paper relied on the descriptive and analytical approach and aimed to identify the important and effective role of civil society organizations in the process of achieving the development of peoples and societies. The study concluded that it is not possible for these civil organizations to contribute to achieving sustainable development with the absence or weakness of implementing and activating the standards of good governance, since good governance is the foundation to Achieve the real sustainable development.


2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 342-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Apostolos G. Papadopoulos ◽  
Christos Chalkias ◽  
Loukia-Maria Fratsea

The paper explores the challenges faced today, in a context of severe economic crisis, by immigrant associations (ΙΜΑs) and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in Greece. The data analysed here was collected between October 2009 and February 2010 and incorporates references to all recorded migration-related social actors operating in Greece. The paper takes into account such indicators as legal form, objectives, financial capacity and geographical range of activity, concluding with a typology of civil society actors dealing with migration issues. This study aims at informing the migration policymaking and migrant integration processes. By a spatial hot-spot clustering of IMAs and NGOs, we also illustrate the concentration patterns of civil society actors in Greece.


Author(s):  
Karolina Kluczewska

AbstractThis article investigates internationally funded women’s empowerment initiatives in Tajikistan. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the subsequent Tajik civil war (1992–1997), this newly independent, Muslim-majority country has experienced an influx of foreign aid, including in the field of women’s rights. Drawing on extensive fieldwork, the article analyzes the growth and diversification of local, Western-funded women’s non-governmental organizations (NGOs) between 1991 and 2020, paying attention to their leadership and aims, as well as changing perceptions of donors’ interventions. It is argued that, initially, local activists were supportive of international projects, which promoted gender equality by supporting women’s integration into the new, capitalist economy. In the last decade, however, an increasing conditionality of funding and deteriorating donor-NGO relations has fueled local contestations of the international agenda. The donor-enhanced women’s empowerment model, which fosters individual responsibility and self-reliance, is increasingly criticized for aggravating the conditions of local women in the context of a growing economic insecurity characterizing the local capitalist economy. Against this resentment, an alternative women’s empowerment model, advancing gender equity based on complementarity of male and female social roles and stressing the importance of family as a safety net against economic precarity, is gaining prominence locally.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Adrian Ruprecht

Abstract This article explores the global spread of the Red Cross and Red Crescent movement to colonial India. By looking at the Great Eastern Crisis (1875–78) and the intense public ferment the events in the Balkans created in Britain, Switzerland, Russia and India, this article illustrates how humanitarian ideas and practices, as well as institutional arrangements for the care for wounded soldiers, were appropriated and shared amongst the different religious internationals and pan-movements from the late 1870s onwards. The Great Eastern Crisis, this article contends, marks a global humanitarian moment. It transformed the initially mainly European and Christian Red Cross into a truly global movement that included non-sovereign colonial India and the Islamic religious international. Far from just being at the receiving end, non-European peoples were crucial in creating global and transnational humanitarianism, global civil society and the world of non-governmental organizations during the last third of the nineteenth century.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 577-604 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yana Gorokhovskaia

Conventional wisdom holds that civil society is a sphere of activity separate from the state and the private realm. Due to a combination of historical, developmental and institutional factors, Russian civil society today is dominated by the state. While not all interactions with the state are seen as harmful, scholars acknowledge that most politically oriented or oppositional non-governmental organizations today face difficult conditions in Russia. In response to the restrictions on civil society and the unresponsive nature of Russia’s hybrid authoritarian regime, some civil society actors in Moscow have made the transition into organized politics at the local level. This transition was motivated by their desire to solve local problems and was facilitated by independent electoral initiatives which provided timely training and support for opposition political candidates running in municipal elections. Once elected, these activists turned municipal deputies are able to perform some of the functions traditionally ascribed to civil society, including enforcing greater accountability and transparency from the state and defending the interest of citizens.


Author(s):  
Hannah Smidt ◽  
Dominic Perera ◽  
Neil J. Mitchell ◽  
Kristin M. Bakke

Abstract International ‘naming and shaming’ campaigns rely on domestic civil society organizations (CSOs) for information on local human rights conditions. To stop this flow of information, some governments restrict CSOs, for example by limiting their access to funding. Do such restrictions reduce international naming and shaming campaigns that rely on information from domestic CSOs? This article argues that on the one hand, restrictions may reduce CSOs’ ability and motives to monitor local abuses. On the other hand, these organizations may mobilize against restrictions and find new ways of delivering information on human rights violations to international publics. Using a cross-national dataset and in-depth evidence from Egypt, the study finds that low numbers of restrictions trigger shaming by international non-governmental organizations. Yet once governments impose multiple types of restrictions, it becomes harder for CSOs to adapt, resulting in fewer international shaming campaigns.


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