Trials of partisans in the Italian Republic: the consequences of the elections of 18 April 1948

Modern Italy ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michela Ponzani
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Judicial System ◽  
Party Leader ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Committee ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Ideological Position ◽  
High Courts ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Set Up

This article suggests some new interpretations of the significance of the general elections of 18 April 1948 by examining the prosecution of Italian ex-partisans in the Republican era. A reappraisal of those trials – which took place from the summer of 1945 to the early 1950s – is offered through examination of the documents of the National Committee of Democratic Solidarity, set up after the assassination attempt on Communist Party leader Palmiro Togliatti on 14 July 1948, and the sentences of the Corti d'Assise (High Courts) and Military Tribunals. The papers of both Umberto Terracini and Lelio Basso, promoters of the Pro-partisans Defence Committee, show how judicial repression had its roots not only in the failed purge of former Fascists from the judicial system, which was unsuccessful because of a desire for continuity within the bureaucratic apparatus of the State, but most of all thanks to the ideological position and anti-communist policies of the political elites of that period.

Nation, Locality and Radical Identity

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malcolm Petrie
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Control ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Political Left ◽  
National Model ◽  
Selection Of

Concentrating upon the years between the 1924 and 1929 general elections, which separated the first and second minority Labour governments, this chapter traces the rise of a modernised, national vision of Labour politics in Scotland. It considers first the reworking of understandings of sovereignty within the Labour movement, as the autonomy enjoyed by provincial trades councils was circumscribed, and notions of Labour as a confederation of working-class bodies, which could in places include the Communist Party, were replaced by a more hierarchical, national model. The electoral consequences of this shift are then considered, as greater central control was exercised over the selection of parliamentary candidates and the conduct of election campaigns. This chapter presents a study of the changing horizons of the political left in inter-war Scotland, analysing the declining importance of locality in the construction of radical political identities.

La réforme régionale italienne : Un bilan à l'occasion des élections régionales des 8 et 9 juin 1980

Res Publica ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-562
Author(s):  
Catherine Guillermet ◽  
Johan Ryngaert
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Geographical Differences ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Bargaining ◽  
Italian Regions ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Political Differences

Ten years after they were set up, the Italian regions have fallen into general discredit. They are discredited by the central government who regards them as a source of support for the opposing Communist Party and has sought to undermine this reform by depriving the regions of all true autonomy. The regions are discredited by the public opinion by not fulfilling the expectations placed in them. Such an assessment does not stand up to a close examination of regional practices : some geographical differences rapidly become obvious, but especially evident are the political differences. In fact, the regions are the product of an apparent agreement between the political parties and have always suffered from political bargaining which explains the national scale of the issues raised at the last elections. Strengthened by the favorable results obtained in certain regions, the Communist Party was quick to turn this statement of the electoral opinion into a « referendum » about the newly formed Cossiga government.

Crime, politics and business in 1990s Ukraine

2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Taras Kuzio
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Market Economy ◽  
Party Leader ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Machine ◽  
New Business ◽  
The Crimea

In contrast to Russian studies, the study of crime and corruption in Ukraine is limited to a small number of scholarly studies while there is no analysis of the nexus between crime and new business and political elites with law enforcement (Kuzio, 2003a,b). This is the first analysis of how these links emerged in the 1990s with a focus on the Donbas (Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts) and the Crimea, two regions that experienced the greatest degree of violence during Ukraine’s transition to a market economy. Donetsk gave birth to the Party of Regions in 2001 which has become Ukraine’s only political machine winning first place plurality in three elections since 2006 and former Donetsk Governor and party leader Viktor Yanukovych was elected president in 2010 (Zimmer, 2005; Kudelia and Kuzio, 2014). Therefore, an analysis of the nexus that emerged in the 1990s in Donetsk provides the background to the political culture of the country’s political machine that, as events have shown since 2010 and during the Euro-Maydan, is also the party most willing in Ukraine to use violence to achieve its objectives.

Expediency always wins over ideology: Putin’s attitudes toward the Russian Communist Party

2011 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Shlapentokh
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ideological Position ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Major Threat ◽  
Vladimir Putin ◽  
And Control

Vladimir Putin provides us with an excellent example of a politician whose attitude toward ideology is instrumental to his political longevity. He has shown that in the fight between ideology and political expedience, to maintain authority and control within the country, or to achieve geopolitical ambitions in the international arena, ideology will almost always lose the battle. It is well known that the major threat to political power stems often not from the adversary who holds diametrically opposite views, but from the rivals who share almost the same ideological position. The closer the ideological position is of a rival, the more intense the competition. For just this reason Putin is implacable toward Communists who share many of his views. He tries as much as possible to reduce the political role of the Communist party – the most serious opposition to the regime – by using the same underhanded tactics which are used against the liberals.

Political Mobilization and Violence in Central Luzon (Philippines)

1973 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 691-705 ◽  
Author(s):  
Otto D. Van Den Muijzenberg
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
The Political ◽  
The North ◽  
Peasant Movement ◽  
Set Up

Central Luzon is a fertile plain directly to the north of metropolitan Manila. This region, thoroughly colonized and densely populated, has been a centre of agrarian unrest for decades. In the forties and fifties Central Luzon formed the nucleus of a peasant movement which produced the strongest anti-Japanese guerilla-army in the whole Southeast Asia, the Hukbalahap (an abbreviation of Anti-Japanese People's Army) or in short Huks. The strength of this army came primarily from the fact that the struggle against the national enemy could be combined with the pre-war conflict between the peasants and the landowners.The latter, together with the Constabulary, sided for the most part with the Japanese. At the time of the liberation in 1945 most of the local and provincial administration was in the hands of the Huks. However,having quickly regained the top positions, the political elite, who feared having quickly regained the top positions, the political elite, who feared to this. When this elite first refused to allow the radical people's represen-tatives delegated from Central Luzon to take their seats in parliament,and then attempted to recapture political mastery in Central Luzon by means of force, the Huk movement was compelled to adopt an ever more militant attitude.In the process,the leadership of the popular front set up by the Hukbalahap moved more and more towards the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP). The result was no less than a complete incorporation of all guerillas into the CPP in 1950. It had already been decided in 1948 that the policy of a parliamentary and legal conflict which had hitherto been pursued was not adiquate,and that force would have to play a decisive role. The Anti-Japanese People's Army was re-christened the People's Liberation Army(HMB).i

The Use of Biometric Technology in the Success of the 2015 General Elections in Nigeria

Politeia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Abiodun Fatai ◽  
Lekan Ismaila Adisa
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Research Method ◽  
The Political ◽  
Technological Innovations ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Electoral Fraud ◽  
Biometric Technology ◽  
Democratic Quality ◽  
General Elections

The use of technological devices in the electoral process has been seen as the solution to electoral fraud and manipulations in many fledgling democracies in Africa. Technological innovations such as biometric devices have reinforced democratic quality of elections, ensuring electoral integrity in many countries in Africa. The study examines the uses of biometric technology in the 2015 elections in Nigeria. This paper argues that although these technological innovations encountered some change in the 2015 elections, these innovations enhanced the free and fair character, credibility and legitimacy of the 2015 elections when compared to previous elections since 1999 in Nigeria. While the paper adopted a qualitative research method it concludes on the need for INEC to undertake critical training of their officials, as well as rigorous education of the political elites on the efficient use of the card readers and the implication for democratic consolidation in Nigeria.

On Political Compromise: Italy after the 1979 Elections

1980 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 190-207 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luigi Graziano
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Grand Coalition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Expression ◽  
Coalition Governments ◽  
Opposition Party ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Political Compromise ◽  
National Solidarity

SINCE 1976 ITALY HAS BEEN EXPERIENCING A POLITICAL STALEmate which should not be confused with the periodical difficulties of the system. What is at stake is the capacity of Italian democracy to ensure change in a peaceful manner – which I take to be one of the main functions of democracy. The political essence of the crisis lies in the Christian Democrats' (DC) growing incapacity to assure the governability of the country and in the problem of providing an alternative governmental leadership which would include the main opposition party, the Communist Party (PCI).The resulting impasse is what explained both Moro's insistence on the need for a ‘great national solidarity’ and the PCI's strategy of the ‘historic compromise’. Convergence found political expression in the grand coalition governments which ruled Italy between 1976 and 1979, the first majority in thirty years which included the PCI.On the analytical level, convergence in polarized systems like Italy's can be fruitfully analysed, as I have suggested elsewhere, from the viewpoint of the consociational model. I shall first briefly review the model before turning to a discussion of the prospects for cooperation after the 1979 general elections.

ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ БЕСПРЕДЕЛ ОППОЗИЦИИ И ПОЧЕМУ ВЫИГРАЛ ВЫБОРЫ АШРАФ ГАНИ?

2020 ◽  
pp. 63-67
Author(s):  
Мохаммад Исаак Шафак
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Expert Assessment ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Underlying Causes ◽  
Personal Qualities

Аннотация: В данной статье автор исследовал феномен победы действующего президента Мохаммада Аршаф Гани, выигравшего во второй раз президентские выборы у своих оппонентов, его персональные качества в отличие от его оппонентов, проигравших выборы на пример Абдуллы Абдуллы. Названы глубинные причины возникновения политического кризиса, как недоговороспособность политических элит Афганистана, разрозненных личными и местечковыми интересами своих кланов. Сделан анализ, почему годами оставаясь у власти, оппоненты Ашрафа Гани, не использовали свои властные полномочия не улучшили политическую ситуацию Афганистана. Автором приведены аналитические выводы их отрицательного влияния на развитие политических процессов, это связано большей частью для сохранения собственных корыстных интересов и благ. Автор на примере анализа деятельности президента и его оппонентов на выборах, выразил собственное экспертную оценку вокруг сложившийся политической ситуации вновь избранного действующего президента Ашрафа Гани Ахмадзая, как политической персоны, выделив его слабые и сильные стороны и оппонентов. Ключевые слова: феномен победы, политический кризис, выборы. Аннотация: Автордун бул илимий макаласында, Мохаммад Ашраф Ганидин экинчи мөөнөткө 2019 -жылы 28-сентябрда болуп өткөн президенттик шайлоодо атаандаштарын утушу, Абдулла Абдулла жана да башка оппонентеринин президенттик шайлоодогу жеке сапаттарын изилдеген. Ооган саясий элитасынын ар түрдүү жеке жана ичи тардык, кызгануу сыяктуу эле кызыкчылыктарын, саясий башаламандык кыймылы жөнүндө жана ошол себептер менен саясий кризис курчуунун негизги себептерин атады. Алардын (эски элитанын) бийликте калуу максатында кыймылдарынын терс таасири тууралуу аналитикалык корутунду көрсөттү, бул инсандар негизинен өздөрүнүн жеке керт башынын кызыкчылыктары менен пайдасын сактоо менен байланыштуу, шайлоодо президенттин иш-аракеттери жана оппоненттери боюнча сереп-талдоо жазылган. Ооганстандагы саясый кырдаал жакшырган жок, саясий жараяндар таатал боюнча калууда, Ашраф Гани менен оппоненттеринин күчтүү жактарын жана кемчиликтери касиеттери жөнүндө, учурдагы Ооганстанда саясий кырдаал тууралуу өзүнүн серебин билдирди. Түйүндүү сөздөр: жеңүүнүн феномени, саясий кризис, шайлоо Annotation: In this article, the author explored the phenomenon of victory of incumbent President Mohammad Ashraf Ghani, who won the second time the presidential election against his opponents, his personal qualities, unlike his opponents, who lost theelection by the example of Abdullah Abdullah. The underlying causes of the political crisis are identified as the lack of maturity of the political elites of Afghanistan, fragmented by the personal and local interests of their clans. An analysis is made of why staying in power for years, opponents of Ashraf Ghani, did not use their power, did not improve the political situation in Afghanistan, the author gives analytical conclusions of their negative impact on the development of political processes, this is mainly due to preserving their own selfish interests and benefits. The author, using an example of analysis of the activities of the president and his opponents in the elections, expressed his own expert assessment around the current political situation of the newly elected incumbent president Ashraf Gani Ahmadzai as a political person, highlighting his weaknesses and strengths and opponents. Keywords: the phenomenon of victory, political crisis, elections.

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