The relationship between diffuse support for democracy and governing party support in a hybrid regime: evidence with four representative samples from Turkey

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Berna Öney ◽  
M. Murat Ardag
Keyword(s):  
Support For Democracy ◽  
Diffuse Support ◽  
Party Support ◽  
Hybrid Regime ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Representative Samples

Are misinformation, antiscientific claims, and conspiracy theories for political extremists?

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 583-605
Author(s):  
Adam M. Enders ◽  
Joseph E. Uscinski
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Conspiracy Theories ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
Conspiracy Beliefs ◽  
Political Left ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Representative Samples

Extremist political groups, especially “extreme” Republicans and conservatives, are increasingly charged with believing misinformation, antiscientific claims, and conspiracy theories to a greater extent than moderates and those on the political left by both a burgeoning scholarly literature and popular press accounts. However, previous investigations of the relationship between political orientations and alternative beliefs have been limited in their operationalization of those beliefs and political extremity. We build on existing literature by examining the relationships between partisan and nonpartisan conspiracy beliefs and symbolic and operational forms of political extremity. Using two large, nationally representative samples of Americans, we find that ideological extremity predicts alternative beliefs only when the beliefs in question are partisan in nature and the measure of ideology is identity-based. Moreover, we find that operational ideological extremism is negatively related to nonpartisan conspiracy beliefs. Our findings help reconcile discrepant findings regarding the relationship between political orientations and conspiracy beliefs.

Gender and Marital Satisfaction: Data from the National Survey of Families and Households

1998 ◽  
Vol 83 (1) ◽  
pp. 319-327 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter R. Schumm ◽  
Farrell J. Webb ◽  
Stephan R. Bollman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Marital Satisfaction ◽  
Representative Sample ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Satisfaction Relationship ◽  
Representative Samples ◽  
Small Support

In 1972, Bernard argued that marriage was good for men and bad for women. Subsequent research noted that wives, on average, reported lower marital satisfaction than husbands. Furthermore, when differences within couples existed on marital satisfaction, the wife was usually the less satisfied spouse; however, most previous studies of the gender/marital satisfaction relationship had not been based on nationally representative samples. A nationally representative sample from the 1988 Survey of Families and Households was used to assess the relationship of gender with marital satisfaction. Within-couple analyses indicated that wives were less satisfied with their marriages than husbands and that, when substantial within-couple differences occurred with respect to marital satisfaction, the wife was usually the less satisfied spouse. Results provide at least small support for feminist assertions about the relatively adverse nature of marriage for women in the United States.

Dynamics of Political Support-Alienation

1980 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward N. Muller ◽  
Carol J. Williams
Keyword(s):  
Performance Evaluation ◽  
Panel Study ◽  
Political Support ◽  
System Support ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
Reciprocal Causation ◽  
Political Performance ◽  
Learning Hypothesis ◽  
Diffuse Support ◽  
The Relationship

Three hypotheses about the relationship between political performance (specific support) and attitude about the political system (diffuse support) are investigated. Data are from a two-wave panel study carried out during 1974–1976 in the Federal Republic of Germany. No support is found for an Independence hypothesis, which predicts that because system support is acquired during an early age it will be resistant to change during adulthood. The results indicate that the relationship between performance evaluation and system attitude is complex. Support is found for (1) a Social Learning hypothesis, which predicts that system support will respond to differential satisfaction with the performance of an incumbent administration, and (2) a Structuring hypothesis, which predicts that system attitude will influence one's evaluation of the performance of an incumbent administration. It is therefore not possible to rule out reciprocal causation between performance evaluation and system attitude, suggesting that unidirectional causal models are likely to misspecify the true relationship.

scholarly journals Bounding Uncertainty for Active Batch Selection

2019 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 5240-5247 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanmo Wang ◽  
Runwu Zhou ◽  
Yi-Dong Shen
Keyword(s):  
Objective Function ◽  
Classification Accuracy ◽  
State Of The Art ◽  
Batch Mode ◽  
Initial Stage ◽  
Special Cases ◽  
Testing Data ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Representative Samples ◽  
Screening Approaches

The success of batch mode active learning (BMAL) methods lies in selecting both representative and uncertain samples. Representative samples quickly capture the global structure of the whole dataset, while the uncertain ones refine the decision boundary. There are two principles, namely the direct approach and the screening approach, to make a trade-off between representativeness and uncertainty. Although widely used in literature, little is known about the relationship between these two principles. In this paper, we discover that the two approaches both have shortcomings in the initial stage of BMAL. To alleviate the shortcomings, we bound the certainty scores of unlabeled samples from below and directly combine this lower-bounded certainty with representativeness in the objective function. Additionally, we show that the two aforementioned approaches are mathematically equivalent to two special cases of our approach. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first work that tries to generalize the direct and screening approaches. The objective function is then solved by super-modularity optimization. Extensive experiments on fifteen datasets indicate that our method has significantly higher classification accuracy on testing data than the latest state-of-the-art BMAL methods, and also scales better even when the size of the unlabeled pool reaches 106.

Inequality and Democratic Support in Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 93 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burhanuddin Muhtadi ◽  
Eve Warburton
Keyword(s):  
Public Support ◽  
Partisan Politics ◽  
Negative Attitudes ◽  
Income Gap ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Support For Democracy ◽  
Negative Perceptions ◽  
Perceptions Of Inequality ◽  
Democratic Support ◽  
The Relationship

Indonesia is a country of significant inequalities, but we know little about how Indonesians feel about the gap between rich and poor. Comparative research suggests that negative perceptions of inequality can erode public support for democratic institutions. Using survey data, we explore the relationship between inequality and support for democracy in Indonesia. We find Indonesians are divided in their beliefs about income distribution. But this variation is not determined by actual levels of inequality around the country, nor by people's own economic situation; instead, political preferences and partisan biases are what matter most. Beliefs about inequality in Indonesia have become increasingly partisan over the course of the Jokowi presidency: supporters of the political opposition are far more likely to view the income gap as unfair, while supporters of the incumbent president tend to disagree—but they disagree much more when prompted by partisan cues. We also find that Indonesians who believe socio-economic inequality is unjust are more likely to hold negative attitudes toward democracy. We trace both trends back to populist campaigns and the increasingly polarized ideological competition that marked the country's recent elections. The shift toward more partisan politics in contemporary Indonesia has, we argue, consequences for how voters perceive inequality and how they feel about the democratic status quo.

scholarly journals Vote for Your Family! Particularism, Support for Democracy and Support for Shari’a in the Arab World

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Femke E. Bakker ◽  
Valentina Rotondi
Keyword(s):  
Arab World ◽  
Support For Democracy ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Micro Foundations

AbstractThis paper examines the micro-foundations of the relationship between political particularism, support for democracy and support for

Social Structure and Party Support in the East Asian Democracies

2007 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian McAllister
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Social Structure ◽  
Party System ◽  
East Asian ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Democratic Transitions ◽  
Urban Rural ◽  
Party Support ◽  
The Comparative Study ◽  
The Relationship

A stable and effective party system depends on consistent and enduring support from social groups. Using the Lipset-Rokkan paradigm as a point of departure, this article tests the relationship between social structure and party support in four East Asian democracies (Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan) and two Western democracies (Australia and New Zealand) using the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. Using Australia and New Zealand as a reference point, the results show that the four Lipset-Rokkan social cleavages are only loosely related to party support in the four East Asian nations, mainly through center-periphery and urban-rural divisions. The absence of an owner-worker cleavage is explained by the suppression of labor-based parties in these countries. More generally, the results suggest the importance of the socializing experiences associated with the democratic transitions in each of the four newer democracies.

Kenyan MPs will assert legislative independence

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Central Bank ◽  
Self Regulation ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Government ◽  
Party Support ◽  
The Relationship

Significance The bill received cross-party support in parliament, illustrating its independence from the executive, which opposes the bill. The relationship between the executive and legislative branches is complex, with constituents and the president vying for influence among lawmakers. Impacts MPs will oscillate between independence and compliance over the next twelve months. By vetoing the banking legislation, Kenyatta risks opposing a popular measure with elections looming. Banks will compromise with the government and central bank on self-regulation to avoid legislated rates.

scholarly journals RESEARCH OF RAILWAY AGGREGATE SUB-BALLAST MIXTURE PROPERTIES / GELEŽINKELIO POBALASTINIO SLUOKSNIO IŠ UŽPILDŲ MIŠINIO SAVYBIŲ TYRIMAS

2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 540-545
Author(s):  
Deividas Navikas ◽  
Henrikas Sivilevičius
Keyword(s):  
Water Permeability ◽  
Load Distribution ◽  
Laboratory Tests ◽  
Road Construction ◽  
Coefficient Of Determination ◽  
Road Maintenance ◽  
Statistical Parameters ◽  
Minimum Number ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Representative Samples

Railway sub-ballast layer is a connecting layer between the ballast and other track layers. This layer must ensure even load distribution into the subgrade, drainage surface water, prevent materials of layers mixing. Ensuring these properties allows to extend the explotation of all railway road construction and geometrical parameter of road maintenance. This article analyzes investigated railway sub-ballast mixture properties from large sample sizes (n = 49): gradation, water permeability and density statistical parameters. The regression equation showing the relationship between the fully percent passing through sieves averages and standard deviations is presented. Her coefficient of determination (R2 = 0.909). The minimum number of representative samples of these three properties research is determined. Irregularity in most cases of water permeability (ν = 88,3%), depending on the laboratory tests methodology errors, is indicated. Geležinkelio pobalastinis sluoksnis yra jungiamasis sluoksnis tarp balasto ir grunto sluoksnių. Šis sluoksnis turi užtikrinti tolygų apkrovos perdavimą į sankasą, nudrenuoti paviršinį vandenį, neleisti maišytis sluoksnių medžiagoms. Šių savybių užtikrinimas leidžia prailginti visos kelio konstrukcijos eksploataciją ir geometrinių kelio parametrų išlaikymą. Šiame straipsnyje yra analizuojamos užpildų mišinio, naudojamo geležinkelio pobalastiniame sluoksnyje, iš didelės imties (n = 49) gautos savybės: granuliometrinės sudėties, pralaidumo vandeniui ir tankio statistiniai parametrai. Pateikta granuliometrinės sudėties regresijos lygtis, rodanti sąsają tarp pilnutinių išbirų per sietus vidurkių ir standartinių nuokrypių. Jos determinacijos koeficientas R2 = 0.909. Apskaičiuoti reprezentatyvūs minimalūs bandinių skaičiai šioms trims savybėms tirti. Gauta, kad pralaidumo vandeniui savybė yra labiausiai nevienoda dėl laboratorinių tyrimų metodikos paklaidų, variacijos koeficientas (88,3 %).

scholarly journals Effective Government and Evaluations of Democracy

2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402110360
Author(s):  
Christopher Claassen ◽  
Pedro C. Magalhães
Keyword(s):  
Violent Crime ◽  
Healthcare Quality ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Quality Healthcare ◽  
Government Effectiveness ◽  
Satisfaction With Democracy ◽  
Support For Democracy ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
Diffuse Support ◽  
Democratic Support

Ineffective governance is known to weaken support for governments and leaders. However, it is less clear whether these effects spill over to the regime and erode support for the democratic system. This article returns to this classic question, now using time-series, cross-sectional data to test whether the effectiveness of governments in sustaining economic growth, providing quality healthcare, and tackling violent crime affects popular attitudes to democracy. We find that satisfaction with democracy is driven by fluctuations in economic performance and violent crime (but not healthcare quality). Diffuse support for democracy, in contrast, remains relatively impervious to changes in government effectiveness. Violent crime is the only indicator of effectiveness which has an impact on democratic support, and does so indirectly, via its influence on democratic satisfaction. These findings confirm that democratic support—which, unlike democratic satisfaction, is thought to help sustain democracy—is mostly immune to crises of performance.

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