scholarly journals The Representation of the Algerian Hirak Protest Movement in the International Media: France 24 and Al-Jazeera

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1930646
Author(s):  
Sara Kessar ◽  
Ghaleb Rabab’Ah ◽  
Wafa Al-Khadra ◽  
Hady J. Hamdan
2021 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 502-506
Author(s):  
Haian Dukhan

International media outlets have covered the news of Syrian tribes since the beginning of the protest movement that erupted in the country in 2011. This started with the “Friday of Tribes,” when Syrian tribes participating in protests against the Syrian regime in the Syrian city of Dar‘a began chanting “faz‘a” (chanting for support), which meant that they were seeking solidarity from other tribes for defense against the regime's aggression. As the Syrian uprising turned into a civil war that involved many players, some media outlets focused on the scenes of tribal leaders pledging allegiance to the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), or of others being summoned to Geneva, Switzerland, to hold talks with Western powers about the possibility of mobilizing against ISIS militants. One could only wonder exactly why tribal loyalties continued to play such a significant role in the everyday events of the Syrian civil war when many civil society advocates had argued that tribal affiliation in Syria had diminished.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 112-125
Author(s):  
Tarek Cherkaoui

Al Jazeera (AJ) has been a defining feature in developing news media in the Middle East and beyond. The satellite-broadcasting network has played a leading role in bringing stories and perspectives that other international media do not always cover, if at all. More importantly, it has been a champion for democracy and human rights in the Middle East, thereby provoking the ire of Arab autocratic rulers, which went to great length to silence the Qatar-based television news network. The latest Gulf Crisis, in which four countries (Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Egypt) blockaded Qatar in July 2017, is another attempt to silence this media institution and peg back the region to the pre-Arab Spring era. The anti-Qatar quartet issued an ultimatum of 13 demands to be fulfilled within ten days. The list included paying reparations, shutting down Al Jazeera, curbing bilateral relations with Iran, closing a Turkish military base, and submitting to monthly external compliance checks. However, the crisis could be a blessing in disguise for Qatar and the network in its campaign for greater freedom of expression in the Middle East. This article analyses the crisis from a media political economy perspective.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 79-91
Author(s):  
Clifford G. Christians ◽  

Truth is the generally accepted standard of news media organizations and of social media networks. Most of the codes of ethics including Al Jazeera’s specify the reporters’ duty to tell the truth. In the traditional view, objective reporting is not merely the standard of competent professionalism, but considered a moral imperative. With the dominant scheme increasingly controversial, theoretical work in international media ethics seeks to transform it intellectually. Truth needs to be released from its parochial moorings in the West and given a global understanding. A new concept of truth as authentic disclosure accomplishes this, and that definition means to get at the core issue, to see the essence of things. The question in researching Al Jazeera is whether it practices what might be called “interpretive sufficiency.” This is a robust view of news as knowledge production, in contrast with news as simply informational. Using Al Jazeera as a case study, the new definition of truth-as-disclosure is applied to crisis journalism. Keywords: International News, Truth, Media Ethics, Interpretation, Propaganda


1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Ekrem Çelikiz

Internet journalism has brought a new impetus to journalism. The events in the world are instantly transferred to the reader / viewer on television channels, social media and internet news sites. There is a rivalry between the media tools at the speed of the transfer of news. International media organizations belonging to different capital groups, while conveying the news to the audience / reader in a fast manner, occasionally violating the reporting criteria; they ignore the principles of neutrality in the news. Specially, international media organizations often violate the principles of impartiality in their news when broadcasting news about different countries. In this study, we will investigate how the news websites of different countries, CNN International, France 24, Al Jazeera, TRT World and BBC news portals convey Turkey's Peace Spring Operation to their readers in 2019 in the context of the principles of neutrality in the news. A discourse analysis method will be used in the study.


2018 ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
Andrew Jackson

One scenario put forward by researchers, political commentators and journalists for the collapse of North Korea has been a People’s Power (or popular) rebellion. This paper analyses why no popular rebellion has occurred in the DPRK under Kim Jong Un. It challenges the assumption that popular rebellion would happen because of widespread anger caused by a greater awareness of superior economic conditions outside the DPRK. Using Jack Goldstone’s theoretical expla-nations for the outbreak of popular rebellion, and comparisons with the 1989 Romanian and 2010–11 Tunisian transitions, this paper argues that marketi-zation has led to a loosening of state ideological control and to an influx of infor-mation about conditions in the outside world. However, unlike the Tunisian transitions—in which a new information context shaped by social media, the Al-Jazeera network and an experience of protest helped create a sense of pan-Arab solidarity amongst Tunisians resisting their government—there has been no similar ideology unifying North Koreans against their regime. There is evidence of discontent in market unrest in the DPRK, although protests between 2011 and the present have mostly been in defense of the right of people to support themselves through private trade. North Koreans believe this right has been guaranteed, or at least tacitly condoned, by the Kim Jong Un government. There has not been any large-scale explosion of popular anger because the state has not attempted to crush market activities outright under Kim Jong Un. There are other reasons why no popular rebellion has occurred in the North. Unlike Tunisia, the DPRK lacks a dissident political elite capable of leading an opposition movement, and unlike Romania, the DPRK authorities have shown some flexibility in their anti-dissent strategies, taking a more tolerant approach to protests against economic issues. Reduced levels of violence during periods of unrest and an effective system of information control may have helped restrict the expansion of unrest beyond rural areas.


2004 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-187
Author(s):  
Donald E. Wagner

It is a common assumption in the international media that the fundamentalist Christian Right suddenly appeared on the US political scene following the 11 September 2001 tragedy, and that it became a major force in shaping US policy in the Middle East. While it is true that fundamentalist Christians have exercised considerable influence during the George W. Bush administration, their ascendance is neither new nor surprising. The movement has demonstrated political influence in the US and England intermittently for more than a hundred years, particularly in the formation of Middle East policy. This article focuses on the unique theology and historical development of Christian Zionism, noting its essential beliefs, its emergence in England during the nineteenth century, and how it grew to gain prominence in the US. The alliance of the pro-Israel lobby, the neo-conservative movement, and several Christian Zionist organizations in the US represents a formidable source of support for the more maximalist views of Israel's Likud Party. In the run-up to the 2004 US presidential elections this alliance could potentially thwart any progress on an Israeli–Palestinian peace plan in the near future. Moreover, Likud ideology is increasingly evident in US Middle East policy as a result of this alliance.


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