Tanzania: Civil–Military Relations and Nationalism

Author(s):  
Daniel G. Zirker

Why have there been no successful military interventions or civil wars in Tanzania’s nearly 60 years of independence? This one historical accomplishment, by itself striking in an African context, distinguishes Tanzania from most of the other post-1960 independent African countries and focuses attention on the possibilities and nature of successful civil–military relations in sub-Saharan Africa. Contrary to most civil–military relations theory, rather than isolating the military in order to achieve civilian oversight, Tanzania integrated the military, the dominant political party, and civil society in what one observer called a combination of “political militancy” and “antimilitarism,” somewhat akin, perhaps, to the Chinese model. China did provide intensive military training for the Tanzanians beginning in the 1960s, although this could in no way have been expected to ensure successful integration of the military with civil society, nor could it ensure peaceful civil–military relations. Eight potentially causal and overlapping conditions have been outlined to explain this unique absence of civil–military strife in an African country. Relevant but admittedly partial explanations are: the largely salutary and national developmental role of the founding president, Julius Nyerere; the caution and long-term fear of military intervention engendered by the 1964 East African mutinies; Tanzania’s radical foreign policy as a Frontline State; its ongoing territorial disputes with Uganda and Malawi; concerted efforts at coup-proofing through the co-opting of senior military commanders; and the country’s striking ethnic heterogeneity, in which none of the 125 plus ethnolinguistic tribes had the capacity to assume a hegemonic dominance. Each factor has a role in explaining Tanzania’s unique civil–military history, and together they may comprise a plausible explanation of the over 50 years of peaceful civil–military relations. They do not, however, provide a hopeful prognosis for future civil–military relations in a system that is increasingly challenging the dominant-party state, nor do they account for Tanzania’s subsequent democratic deficit.

Author(s):  
Henrik Laugesen

The classical theoretical civil–military relations (CMR) perspective is traditionally concerned with how to obtain civil control of the armed forces. This theme is preeminent in the writings of Samuel Huntington and Morris Janowitz, the two most dominant voices in the debate of this subject field since the 1960s. By 2019, the character of the Kenya Defence Forces (KDF) was heavily influenced, if not determined, by CMR, as CMR seems to be the only constant factor when trying to understand KDF. During British colonial rule in the East African protectorate, the use of force was primarily dedicated to securing the extraction of natural resources from Kenya and maintaining internal security. It was in this colonial context of exploitation and extraction that the KDF was born in 1902, in the form of the King’s African Rifles (KAR). Therefore, to understand the “genetics” of the present-day KDF, one has to understand the political context in which the KDF was born and raised. The surprising point here is that although Kenya has since undergone far-reaching political changes, the KDF still seems to be caught in King Edward VII’s long shadow of colonial repression. The effective, ethnically driven political system and Britain’s military guaranties have dominated CMR and kept an iron grip on the military for more than 100 years.


Plant Disease ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 83 (4) ◽  
pp. 398-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. O. Ogbe ◽  
G. I. Atiri ◽  
D. Robinson ◽  
S. Winter ◽  
A. G. O. Dixon ◽  
...  

Cassava (Manihot esculenta Crantz) is an important food crop in sub-Saharan Africa. One of the major production constraints is cassava mosaic disease caused by African cassava mosaic (ACMV) and East African cassava mosaic (EACMV) begomoviruses. ACMV is widespread in its distribution, occurring throughout West and Central Africa and in some eastern and southern African countries. In contrast, EACMV has been reported to occur mainly in more easterly areas, particularly in coastal Kenya and Tanzania, Malawi, and Madagascar. In 1997, a survey was conducted in Nigeria to determine the distribution of ACMV and its strains. Samples from 225 cassava plants showing mosaic symptoms were tested with ACMV monoclonal antibodies (MAbs) in triple antibody sandwich enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (1). Three samples reacted strongly with MAbs that could detect both ACMV and EACMV. One of them did not react with ACMV-specific MAbs while the other two reacted weakly with such MAbs. With polymerase chain reaction (2), the presence of EACMV and a mixture of EACMV and ACMV in the respective samples was confirmed. These samples were collected from two villages: Ogbena in Kwara State and Akamkpa in Cross River State. Co-infection of some cassava varieties with ACMV and EACMV leads to severe symptoms. More importantly, a strain of mosaic geminivirus known as Uganda variant arose from recombination between the two viruses (2). This report provides evidence for the presence of EACMV in West Africa. References: (1) J. E. Thomas et al. J. Gen. Virol. 67:2739, 1986. (2) X. Zhou et al. J. Gen. Virol. 78:2101, 1997.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 501-522 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stein T. Holden

Fertilizer and other input subsidies have been prominent components of agricultural policies in many Asian and African countries since the 1960s. Their economic and political rationale is scrutinized with emphasis on the second generation of targeted input subsidy programs that were scaled up in Sub-Saharan Africa after 2005. The extent to which they fulfill the goal of being market smart is assessed after inspecting the potential for such subsidies in Sub-Saharan Africa. The new fertilizer subsidy programs do not live up to the market-smart principles and suffer from severe design and implementation failures. While a clear exit strategy was one of the key principles, this has been neglected, with the result that most current programs are more sticky than smart. They have only partially achieved the intended impacts and have resulted in a number of unintended negative impacts. Subsidy program redesign should start from a pilot stage testing basic mechanisms.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. e46-e48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan Lumu

ABSTRACTThe prolongation of the Ebola epidemic may have allowed some countries to prepare and respond to the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) outbreak. In Uganda, the surveillance structure built for Ebola virus disease (EVD) has become a pillar in the COVID-19 response. This testing and tracing apparatus has limited disease spread to clusters with zero mortality compared with the neighboring East African countries. As more sub-Saharan countries implement social distancing to contain the outbreak, the interventions should be phased and balanced with health risk and socioeconomic situation. However, having a decision-making matrix would better guide the response team. These initial lessons from EVD-experienced Uganda may be helpful to other countries in the region.


Leadership ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 543-555
Author(s):  
Iyabo Obasanjo

This study looks at the association between social conflicts, civil society freedom, and democracy, and how social conflicts impact maternal mortality in African countries as a first step toward understanding how to use civil society to pressure Sub-Saharan African governments into improving maternal mortality ratios and other human development indicators. Pro-Government riots were negatively associated with civil society freedom. Organized Demonstrations and Organized Riots were positively associated with civil society freedom when North African countries were included in the data, but when they were excluded, only Organized Riots were associated with civil society freedoms. The period under study included the Arab Spring, which was characterized by high numbers of Organized Demonstrations in North African countries. I theorized that Organized Demonstrations occur less often in Sub-Saharan African countries due to lower levels of internet connectivity (used to organize) or because government forces use severe suppression, which escalates demonstrations into riots more in Sub-Saharan Africa. The fewer Pro-Government riots there are, the freer the civil society, and the more Organized Demonstrations and Organized Riots, the freer the civil society. This indicates that Pro-Government riots tend to be organized as part of the government repression of civil society. The analyses used democratization levels of countries as a control variable and found that as autocracy level increases, the level of civil society freedom decreases. Organized Demonstrations were the only form of social conflict associated with maternal mortality. It was a negative association, with rising maternal mortality associated with fewer Organized Demonstrations. The finding therefore suggests that democratic governance, with associated civil society freedom, that allows Organized Demonstrations provides the best scenario for health outcomes in African countries.


Author(s):  
Vipul Dutta

The early twentieth century in India witnessed a remarkable wave of institution-building as part of the subcontinent’s wider political, social and educational transformation. This book highlights the fascinating yet unexplored history of some of India’s iconic military training and educational institutions from the 1900s until 1960. It offers an institutional perspective on Indian history foregrounding key questions of educational policy, strategy and civil-military relations. The book covers a broad network of institutions – starting from the early preparatory schools in the northwest that sprang up from the 1890s to the post-independence national institutions like the National Defence Academy (NDA) among others. In chronicling the evolution, development and management of these institutions, the book will offer insights into the process of ‘Indianisation’ of the military in India.


Author(s):  
Maggie Dwyer

Interstate conflict has been rare in sub-Saharan Africa and militaries often do not fit the image of a force focused on external threats. Instead, they have often been heavily engaged in domestic politics, regularly serving as regime protection. For many militaries on the continent, the continued internal focus of the armed forces has been shaped by practices under colonialism. One defining feature of African militaries’ involvement in politics is the coup d’état. From the 1960s to the 1980s coups were the primary method of regime change, making the military central to the political landscape of the continent. By the start of the 21st century there were far fewer direct attempts at military control of African states, yet militaries continue to influence politics even under civilian leadership. While there are differences in the role of militaries based on the unique circumstances of each state, there are also general patterns regarding new missions undertaken by armed forces following the end of the Cold War. These include peacekeeping, counterterrorism, and humanitarian assistance, all of which generally involve international partnerships and cooperation. Yet these missions have also had domestic political motivations and effects.


2020 ◽  
pp. 002200272095771
Author(s):  
Carla Martinez Machain

The US engages in extensive training and education of foreign militaries, often through exchange programs carried out at the different military services’ staff and war colleges. Researchers have recently explored the way in which military training can affect civil-military relations in the host country, but not much work has studied whether military training actually leads to increased US influence in these states. This paper proposes a soft-power theoretical framework to argue that foreign military training can create affinity for the U.S. that can in turn result in more pro-U.S. voting behavior in the UN General Assembly. It further expands on the military training literature by distinguishing between different military training programs.


Author(s):  
Volodymyr Latenko

The author of the article attempts to analyze the scientific achievements of American researchers on the subject of Sub-Saharan Africa in the 1960s, using the example of two countries in the region – the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Nigeria. In both countries, which decolonized in 1960 and embarked on an independent path of development, during the first decade of their existence, various stormy events took place that shook the entire Sub-Saharan region and largely reflected on processes in other parts of the continent. Therefore, these countries are a particularly striking example on the basis of which this study was conducted. Based on a thorough review of the dissertations on the list, developed and defended in the United States by different generations of researchers over the course of half a century, the main priorities and areas of interest to the American scientific community have been identified. Although this paper does not claim to be a comprehensive and complete analysis, statistics based on available material are systematized in chronological and thematic dimensions. In particular, the events and phenomena of the history of the Congo and Nigeria, which particularly attracted the attention of American scholars, are highlighted. Predictably, the lion’s share of the research was devoted to the events of the Congolese crisis of 1960-1965, as well as the civil war for Biafra independence that unfolded in Nigeria. At the same time, it is found that most researchers were not so interested in the fate of the Sub-Saharan African countries themselves as the role and place of the United States in the region, their foreign policy, and the advancement of American national interests.


This is the title of this year’s first issue, and civil-military relations will be the guiding theme of the following three issues planned for this year. In the second issue we would like to know what is new in the development of the defence system, while we want to dedicate the third one to the emerging non-military threats, which appear in the form of cyber threats, various diseases, such as Ebola, and of course as the problem of increased migration from Africa towards European borders. In the fourth issue, we will remember the centenary of the beginning of the Isonzo Front. Civil-military relations denote a relationship between the civil society and military organizations. When looking at them in more detail, we find that it is a form of control over the military organization by the civil society. The first two authors to focus on these relationships were Sun Tzu around 500 BC and Carl von Clausewitz on the transition from the 17th to the 18th century. They based their findings on the fact that the military are in the service of the state. Civil-military relations were introduced into the academic sphere of political science and sociology by Samual P. Huntington and Morris Janowitz. Much of the literature discussing this topic emerged in the period between the end of World War II and the fall of the Berlin Wall. The transformation of armed forces as a result of the end of the bloc division in the western part of the world has contributed to the emergence of a variety of literature focusing on the transformation paradigm primarily developed within NATO. We can conclude that, after 2010 in Slovenia, the scope of military professional and scientific literature has been regressing. Despite the large amount of security, defence and military challenges, there is no real motivation in academic and professional circles to organize events where one would exchange ideas and critical thoughts and respond to them. Due to the lack of such additional incentives, it seems somewhat logical that there are also no articles, monographs and textbooks dealing with these topics. What can we do to encourage debate on civil-military relations, security, defence and military, in order to produce high-quality writing for others - students, youth, veterans, professional and scientific public, civil society? One of the options available to the Slovenian Armed Forces and the General Staff of the Slovenian Armed Forces as the authority issuing this publication is to encourage the employees and those who work with the armed forces and ministries to write. The result of such incentives are the articles published in this issue. Gregor Garb wrote an article titled Establishment of private military companies through a prism of global security, basing his findings on the changes in the political and security environment. This has led to the fact that, in addition to the traditional ones, non-state actors with transnational connections and influences were being mentioned in professional security circles. This subject was discussed by Professor Žabkar as early as in 2004 in the chapter Have the first years of the third millennium led to the privatization of the military profession, published in the second volume of the book titled Marsova dediščina (Mars’s heritage). A good ten years later, Garb is presenting his findings. Padányi József and László Földi present different experiences of the Hungarian Armed Forces in international operations and missions as well as its assistance to the population in the event of natural and other disasters. In 2010, the Hungarian Armed Forces assisted in the aftermath a major disaster of the red-sludge spill. More on this subject can be found in the article Tasks and experiences of the Hungarian Defence Forces in crisis management. Late last year, the Alliance ended the ISAF operation in Afghanistan, where members of the Slovenian Armed Forces worked with the Allied forces for ten years. Kristian Beršnak wrote an article on the mission, tasks and experiences of the Special Operations Unit titled Development of SAF special forces and experiences from Afganistan. Addressing today's challenges determines the use of a wide spectrum of civil and military capabilities, improved cooperation and coordination between all the entities involved and the creation of one single entity of national security, writes Andrej Androjna in his article titled Coastguard - factor of enhancing security in maritime transport, where he examines different options of providing this form of security. In his article Usefulness of Topobase software in property management of the defence sector, Andrej Skvarča describes a software tool used by the Cerklje ob Krki airport. In the time when the protection of critical infrastructure is becoming increasingly important, it seems reasonable to use this software tool more widely in the defence system. This was the amount of engagement provided for this issue by the Slovenian Armed Forces. Is there maybe anybody else who deals with defence and military issues? There are some faculties in Slovenia with chairs dealing with different security topics. There are some institutions which can be referred to as "think tanks", the term used in an English-speaking environment to denote the institutions renowned as “brain centres” of new ideas. Are we in Slovenia out of new ideas concerning security? Perhaps they are still there, but have remained caught somewhere “on air”, because nobody writes them in a professional or scientific article.


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