How Do We Know That Russian Spies and Saboteurs (aka Hackers and Trolls) Intervened in the 2016 Presidential Election?

Cyberwar ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 19-31
Author(s):  
Kathleen Hall Jamieson

Chapter 1 of Cyberwar outlines how we know that Russian agents, in the form of both hackers and trolls, intervened in the 2016 U.S. presidential election. After briefly summarizing the state of U.S.-Russia relations leading up to the 2016 U.S. election, this chapter details Trump’s and Putin’s denials of Russian interventions and the conspiracy theories used to deflect attention from the Russian origins of hacked content. The chapter also synopsizes the findings of U.S. intelligence agencies that confirmed Russian involvement and outlines the scope of the book and the assumptions underlying it.

Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann

Chapter 1 analyzes Schmitt’s assessment of democratic movements in Weimar and the gravity of their effects on the state and constitution. It emphasizes that the focus of Schmitt’s criticism of Weimar was mass democracy rather than liberalism. Schmitt warned that the combination of mass democracy, the interpenetration of state and society, and the emergence of total movements opposed to liberal democracy, namely the Nazis and the Communists, were destabilizing the Weimar state and constitution. Weimar, Schmitt argued, had been designed according to nineteenth century principles of legitimacy and understandings of the people. Under the pressure of mass democracy, the state was buckling and cannibalizing itself and its constitution. Despite this, Schmitt argued, Weimar jurists’ theoretical commitments left them largely unable to recognize the scope of what was occurring. Schmitt’s criticism of Weimar democracy was intended to raise awareness of how parliamentary democracy could be turned against the state and constitution.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nina Kolarzik ◽  
◽  
Aram Terzyan

The rule of Alexander Lukashenko in Belarus has created one of the most resilient authoritarian regimes in post-communist Europe. Meanwhile, the turmoil triggered by the 2020 presidential election has put in the spotlight the mounting challenges facing Lukashenko’s authoritarian rule. This paper investigates the state of human rights and political freedoms in Belarus, focusing on the main rationale behind the turmoil surrounding the 2020 presidential election. It concludes that the political crisis following the elections is the unsurprising consequence of Lukashenko’s diminishing ability to maintain power or concentrate political control by preserving elite unity, controlling elections, and/or using force against opponents.


Author(s):  
Marius M. Carriere

This chapter discusses the continued Know Nothing election setbacks in the mid to late 1850s. However, the chapter emphasizes the belief that only the Know Nothings, according to many members, could avoid the sectional tension of the 1850s. While the state elections proved futile for the Know Nothings, the party continued to do well in Greater New Orleans. The chapter also continues to describe how Louisiana Democrats branded the Know Nothings as proscriptionists and abolitionists. The presidential election of 1860 is highlighted in this chapter with sectional stress assuming more importance than native Americanism. The ultimate failure of the Know Nothings in the state follows the party’s 1860 presidential election defeat and its gubernatorial defeat in 1857. Finally, the chapter summarizes how inexperience and lack of Know Nothing unity adversely affected the Know Nothings in these elections, as well as in the state legislature.


Alegal ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 15-37
Author(s):  
Annmaria M. Shimabuku

Chapter 1 presents a genealogy of sexual labor in Japan from licensed prostitution and the so-called “comfort woman” system of sexual slavery in the imperial period, through the state-organized system of prostitution for the Allied forces in the immediate postwar, and to the full-fledged emergence of independent streetwalkers thereafter. It links protest against private prostitution in the interwar period to aversion toward the streetwalker in the postwar period through an examination of Tosaka Jun’s Japanese Ideology. There, he defined Japanism as the symbolic communion between the family and state and showed how Japanists attacked private prostitution for purportedly interfering with the integrity of both. What was at stake was the ability of a budding middle class to manage the reproduction of labor power for the biopolitical state. Through Tosaka, this chapter delineates a mechanism of social defence amongst the middle class that targeted life thought to be unintelligible to the state such as the streetwalker and her mixed-race offspring. Further, it shows how this occurred through cultural productions such as anti-base reportage that focused obsessively on the figure of the streetwalker.


Author(s):  
Andrew Sanders

After Clinton’s second term in office ended, President George W Bush moved the Special Envoy to Northern Ireland to the State Department, but his Envoys, led by Richard Haass and Mitchell Reiss, were no less engaged in Northern Irish affairs as the political figures there sought to create a functional government at Stormont Parliament Buildings. A series of significant obstacles emerged, but the Northern Ireland Assembly finally formed in 2007 before Bush left office. He was succeeded by President Barack Obama who had little interest in Northern Ireland but Obama’s initial Secretary of State, former Senator Hillary Clinton, was well-versed in Northern Irish issues. This chapter also examines the role of Northern Ireland in the 2008 Democratic Primary contest and, to a lesser extent, the 2008 Presidential Election.


Author(s):  
Georg Wenzelburger

Chapter 1 gives an overview of the politics of law and order and presents the research design for the volume. Based on a discussion of the state of the art, it argues why it is crucial to analyze party politics to fully understand why some countries moved law and order policies toward the more repressive poles while others didn’t follow the same path.


Author(s):  
Berry Craig

Voters had four candidates to choose from in the presidential election of 1860. The Kentucky press endorsed three of the hopefuls, the winner not among them. The Louisville papers reflected the divisions in the state. The Journal endorsed Constitutional Unionist John Bell; the Courier rallied behind Southern Democrat John C. Breckinridge, a Kentuckian; the Democrat lined up with Stephen A. Douglas, the Northern Democrat; and no paper of any consequence (perhaps no paper at all) supported the Republican Lincoln. Bell carried the state, followed by Breckinridge, Douglas, and Lincoln. The war of words over the presidential race became even more heated during the secession crisis. The future of the Union was at stake in the former; Kentucky’s future hung in the balance in the latter.


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