The Rise and Fall of the Peace Process, 1975–99

2020 ◽  
pp. 219-240
Author(s):  
Jerome Slater

A number of international and US efforts to bring about an Israeli-Palestinian peace settlement were undertaken between 1975 and 2000, but all failed, largely though not entirely because Israeli intransigence. Rejectionism and continuing settlement expansion in the West Bank and Jerusalem led to the first Palestinian intifada (uprising). The most important and initially hopeful peace effort was the 1993 Oslo Accords, negotiated by Palestinian and Israel doves. On paper, Oslo established a number of “principles” that would govern a peace settlement, which would be negotiated in the next five years. However, Oslo ultimately failed and no peace settlement was reached, largely because the Israeli governments of Rabin, Peres, and Netanyahu continued to resist a two-state settlement and extremists on both sides turned to violence and terrorism.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Joel Singer

Abstract This article tells the story of how and why, when negotiating the Israeli-Palestinian Oslo Accords in 1993–95, the author developed the concept of dividing the West Bank into three areas with differing formulas for allocating responsibilities between Israel and the Palestinian Authority in each. The origin of how these areas were named is also discussed. This negotiation demonstrates that parties are prepared to modify ideological positions when detailed and practical options are presented that constitute a hybrid to the parties’ former positions.


1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 268-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel Singer

In each one of the three main agreements which Israel has concluded to date with the PLO as part of the current peace process, the issue of foreign relations has received special treatment. This reflects the fact that, while the transfer of a number of spheres of authority to the Palestinian autonomous entity has serious practical ramifications, the treatment of the sphere of foreign relations has an added effect on the very nature of the autonomous entity itself, because full capacity to conduct foreign relations is one of the accepted indicia of sovereignty and statehood. Any arrangements reached with regard to the sphere of foreign relations are, therefore, of critical significance.


Author(s):  
Mads Gilbert

This chapter discusses how Palestinians are being killed, wounded, maimed, and oppressed by Israeli governmental forces with little or no international pressure to limit, stop, or prosecute systematic attacks on Palestinian civilians. With its immense, deliberate destructiveness, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) in Gaza have systematically attacked and eliminated people as well as predefined physical targets, all based on an Israeli military-political paradigm known as the Dahiya Doctrine. The aim of these Israeli attacks has been to “send Gaza decades into the past” while at the same time attaining “the maximum number of enemy casualties and keeping IDF casualties at a minimum.” Palestinian leaders have called on the Palestinian Authority to abolish the Oslo Accords since Israel has refused to commit to its obligations and instead has continued land grabs and settlement expansion in the West Bank and brutal attacks on civilian society in Gaza. Negotiations toward a final peace agreement have failed simply because Israel does not want peace.


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 140-178
Author(s):  
Paul Karolyi

This update, which summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and the future of the peace process, covers the quarter beginning on 16 February 2017 and ending on 15 May 2017. During this period, the administration of U.S. pres. Donald Trump attempted to put its own stamp on the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, the Israeli government announced a new policy on settlement growth in the West Bank, and the Ramallah-based Palestinian leadership struggled to consolidate power. Palestinians in the West Bank elected new local leaders, despite disagreements among the major parties. Some 1,500 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails declared a hunger strike, drawing support from across the political spectrum. Meanwhile, Israel's right-wing government kept up a campaign to undermine and delegitimize its opponents, including the Israeli Left, the Palestinian minority in Israel, and the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement.


2020 ◽  
pp. 125-146
Author(s):  
Ayfer Erdogan ◽  
Lourdes Habash

The 2017 inauguration of Donald Trump as the U.S. president opened a new chapter in U.S. policy making toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Several developments that have taken place under the Trump Administration mark a clear rupture from the Oslo Accords in favor of support for Israeli plans to annex a large fraction of the West Bank and design a new settlement of the conflict according to its interests. While the U.S. policy toward the Palestinian issue is not radically different under Trump, he does break from former presidents in that he overtly indicates a sharp pro-Israel tilt and has been more transparent about the U.S. position in the conflict. In this context, in light of the developments that have taken place in the last three years, this article aims to investigate the main pillars of the U.S. foreign policy toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and to analyze how far the Trump Administration’s policies toward the conflict indicate a shift from those of his predecessors. It also offers some insights into the future of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by providing three prospective scenarios and discussing their repercussions.


Author(s):  
أسامة محمد أبو نحل

ملخص البحث إن تعبير أو مصطلح الكيان، لم يظهر من قبل في قاموس السياسة الدولية؛ وإنما هو بدعة فلسطينية، اقتضى وجوده - الحاجة الماسة - لإبراز معلم سياسي يقود الفلسطينيين نحو الانعتاق من ربقة الاستعمار، الذي هيمن على شتّى مناحي حياتهم السياسية والاجتماعية. فمنذ أن احتلت بريطانيا فلسطين عام 1917، مروراً بفقدان هويتهم الوطنية بالكامل، بعد إنشاء الكيان الإسرائيلي عام 1948؛ اضطر الفلسطينيون للبحث عن قارب نجاة، يوجههم نحو إقامة كيان سياسي يضم ما تبقى من فلسطين التاريخية، فكان إنشاء منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية عام 1964، لتحفظ للفلسطينيين شيئا من هويتهم الوطنية. ولكن بعد احتلال إسرائيل ما تبقى من فلسطين التاريخية عام 1967، حاول بعض وجهاء وزعامات الضفة الغربية بطريقٍ أو بآخر - مستغلين غياب أي سلطة فلسطينية أو أردنية في مناطقهم - إقامة كيان فلسطيني مصطنع في الضفة الغربية بمباركة إسرائيلية – إن ارتضت ذلك – وإن حاولوا أن يغلّفوه بمسمى ";;;;دولة فلسطينية";;;;، وذلك من خلال تجاوز صلاحيات منظمة التحرير الفلسطينية؛ والتي من المفروض أن تكون صاحبة الرأي الأول والأخير، في اتخاذ خطوات على طريق التسوية السلمية، وذلك بعد موافقة كافة فئات الشعب الفلسطيني سواء في الأراضي المحتلة أو في الشتات؛ لكن تلك المحاولات باءت بالفشل الذريع؛ بعد أن حوربت وتمَّت تصفية بعض دعاتها والمنظّرين لها جسدياً. الكلمات الرئيسة: الكيان الفلسطيني، الهوية الوطنية، وجهاء الضفة الغربية، المقاومة الفلسطينية، أحداث أيلول. Abstract The term of entity was not seen before in the lexicon of international politics. It is a Palestinian innovation. There was an urgent Palestinian need for its presence because in order to get their freedom, people of Palestine suffered too much from the occupation and colonialism, which controlled all aspects of their political and social life since Britain has occupied Palestine in 1917. Then after creation of Israel in 1948, Palestinian people lost their identity. Therefore, Palestinians have been forced to search for a lifeboat to guide them towards the establishment of a political entity comprising the remainder of the historic Palestine. Hence, the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) was established in 1964 to preserve the rest of the Palestinian national identity. But after Israel has occupied the rest of historic Palestine in 1967, some of the leaders of the West Bank tried -some how- to establish a Palestinian entity with blessing of ";;;;Israel";;;; -if it agrees- taking advantage of the absence of any Palestinian or Jordanian authority in their areas, to call it as a ";;;;Palestinian State,";;;; by skipping the decisions of (PLO), which is the one who is supposed to decide and take steps in the peace process, of course after all the Palestinian people inside and outside Palestine accept this issue, but all these attempts have miserably failed and have been fought and some of its advocates and theorists were assassinated. Key Words: Palestinian Entity, National Identity, Notables of West Bank, Palestinian Resistance, September Events. Abstrak Istilah entiti sebelum ini tidak terlihat dalam leksikon politik antarabangsa , dan ia merupakan sesuatu yang amat diperlukan oleh rakyat  Palestin. Kewujudan entiti kenegaraan ini tetap penting bagi rakyat Palestin yang telah terlalu banyak menderita dari pendudukan untuk mendapatkan semula kebebasan mereka daripada kolonialisme yang telah berperanan memutuskan semua aspek-aspek kehidupan sosial dan politik mereka, semenjak daripada penjajahan Britain di Palestin pada 1917. Selepasnya, sejarah telah menyaksikan kehilangan identiti nasional Palestin, selepas penciptaan Israel dalam 1948, dan menjadikan rakyat Palestin terpaksa mencari sebuah bahtera penyelamat yang dapat mengemudikan mereka ke arah penubuhan satu entiti politik iaitu Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) yang tertubuh pada 1964 demi untuk berjuang mengekalkan saki-baki identiti nasional mereka yang masih tersisa. Tetapi selepas Israel berjaya menduduki wilayah-wilayah Palestin yang lain pada 1967, beberapa pemimpin Tebing Barat telah mencuba –dalam beberapa cara- untuk mewujudkan satu entiti Palestin dibawah belas dan restu Israel –jika dipersetujui –dengan mengambil peluang ketiadaan mana-mana kuasa politik Palestin atau Jordan di kawasan mereka untuk mewujudkan Negara Palestin dengan membelakangi keputusan(PLO) yang sepatutnya turut berperanan dalam langkah-langkah  proses damai tersebut yang sepatutnya diputuskan berdasarkan pendapat semua penduduk Palestin di dalam dan di luar wilayah tersebut untuk menerima atau menolak isu ini. Walaubagaimanpun semua percubaan tersebut menemui kegagalan dengan terbunuhnya beberapa tokoh pelopor idea penubuhan negara mengikut acuan Israel yang berkenaan. Kata Kunci: Entiti Palestin, Identiti Kenegaraan, Tebing Barat, Penentangan Palestin, Peristiwa September.


Author(s):  
Drew Paul

Since the early 1990s, Israel has greatly expanded a system checkpoints, walls and other barriers in the West Bank and Gaza that restrict Palestinian mobility. As a result, such border spaces have become ubiquitous elements of everyday life, with profound political, socio-cultural, and economic effects.  Israel/Palestine examines how authors and filmmakers in the West Bank, Gaza, and Israel have grappled with the spread and impact of these borders in the period since the Oslo Accords of 1994. Focusing on novels by Raba’i al-Madhoun, Ghassan Kanafani, Sami Michael and Sayed Kashua, and films by Elia Suleiman, Simon Bitton, Emad Burnat, and Guy Davidi, Israel/Palestine traces how political engagement in literature and film has shifted away from previously common paradigms of resistance and coexistence. Instead, it has become reorganised around these now ubiquitous physical barriers. Using strategies of narrative fragmentation, multivocality, metafiction, fantasy, and silence to depict the effects of these borders, authors and filmmakers interrogate the notion that such spaces are impenetrable and unbreakable by revealing their deceptive and illusive qualities. In doing so, they also imagine distinct forms of protest, and redefine the relationship between cultural production and political engagement.


1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 297-317 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eyal Benvenisti

The Israeli-Palestinian Declaration of Principles of September 13, 1993 (the “DOP”), which establishes the framework for the settlement of the conflict between the parties, sets the stage for a gradual transition towards a peace settlement, or the “permanent status” as referred to in the DOP. The interim arrangements outlined in the DOP provide for a step-by-step assumption of responsibilities by Palestinians in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The Agreement on the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area, signed in Cairo on May 4, 1994, prescribes at length the arrangements for the first steps to be taken towards that goal. During the period of the interim arrangements, the Gaza Strip (excluding Israeli settlements and military installations) and the “Jericho Area” are to be administered by a “Palestinian Authority” (PA), a body established under the Cairo Agreement, which is distinct from the PLO.


2006 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 198-207 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chaya Possick

English This article presents a qualitative analysis of place disruption as experienced by settlers on the West Bank during the Oslo peace process. The findings demonstrate that place ideology develops and persists as a response to stress. The article concludes with a discussion of the importance of addressing ideological issues in social work interventions. French Cet article présente une analyse qualitative de l'expérience des colons juifs établis dans 'the West Bank', vivant sous la menace d'une relocalisation pendant le processus de paix d'Oslo. Les résultats révèlent qu'une idéalisation d'un lieu se développe de faµon persistante en réponse au stress. L'article en vient à la conclusion qu'il est important de traiter les idéalisations en intervention sociale. Spanish Se presenta un análisis cualitativo del desplazamiento experimentado por los colonos establecidos en el West Bank durante el Proceso de Paz de Oslo. Se demuestra que una respuesta al estrés es el desarrollo y persistencia de una ideología de lugar. Se concluye que es importante para el trabajo social intervenir en asuntos ideológicos.


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