Greece in the Eleventh Century

Author(s):  
Pamela Armstrong

The evidence of archaeological surveys and excavations, official documents, architecture, and art history are considered across the regions and cities of the Peloponnese and central to northern Greece in social and economic contexts. The nature of the production and export of wine, oil, and silk throughout Greece as cash-generating products of the countryside is also examined. Particular attention is paid to ceramics both as markers for interpreting the archaeological evidence and as possible indicators of otherwise undocumented population movements. The conclusions are that the cities of the Peloponnese—Corinth, Sparta, and Argos—acquired a new prosperity during the eleventh century but not to the extent of Athens and Thebes. Thebes in particular became a desirable place to live and outstripped all the other cities of Greece in its affluence by the twelfth century. The successful development of Thebes is associated with a recently identified major pottery production site at its port of Chalkis/Euripos. Finally it is suggested that the population increase throughout Greece in the eleventh century which made intensification of land use possible came about through mass movements of people from Asia Minor.

Radiocarbon ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 57 (5) ◽  
pp. 807-823 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yannis Maniatis ◽  
Nerantzis Nerantzis ◽  
Stratis Papadopoulos

Radiocarbon dates obtained for the coastal hilltop settlement of Aghios Antonios Potos in south Thasos are statistically treated to define the absolute chronology for the start and the end of the various habitation and cultural phases at the site. The location was first occupied during the Final Neolithic (FN) between 3800 and 3600 BC, extending this much contested phase to the lowest up to now record for Thasos and the northern Greece. The site is continuously inhabited from Early Bronze Age I until the early Late Bronze Age (LBA; 1363 BC) when it was abandoned. Comparison with other sites in Thasos and particularly with the inland site of Kastri Theologos showed that the first occupation at Aghios Antonios came soon after the abandonment of Kastri in the beginning of the 4th millennium. In fact, after the decline and abandonment of Aghios Antonios in the LBA, the site of Kastri was reinhabited, leading to the hypothesis that part of the coastal population moved inland. The presumed chronological sequence of alternate habitation between the two settlements may evoke explanations for sociocultural and/or environmental dynamics behind population movements in prehistoric Thasos. A major conclusion of the project is that the 4th millennium occupation gap attested in many sites of Greece, especially in the north, is probably bridged in south Thasos, when the data from all sites are taken together. The mobility of people in Final Neolithic south Thasos may explain the general phenomenon of limited occupational sequences in the FN of north Greece.


Archaeologia ◽  
1853 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 190-193
Author(s):  
John Yonge Akerman

With the exception of Figs. 1, 2, 3, the Gold Ornaments engraved in Plate VIII. have no reference whatever to each other. The first three were obtained by Viscount Strangford, Director of the Society, from a Greek priest at Milo, in the year 1820. Figs. 1 and 3 appear to have formed the ends of a light chain, and the other (fig. 2) to have been pendent by a small loop on the top of the head. The figure has unfortunately lost the feet and the left hand, but the other parts are perfect. The right hand is raised in an admonitory attitude. The forehead appears as if encircled with a wreath, while the body is crossed by what would seem to be intended for the tendril of a vine. The necklace was formerly in the collection of the late Mr. H. P. Borrell, of Smyrna, but I am informed by his brother, Mr. Maximilian Borrell, who now possesses it, that no record exists of its discovery, and that he cannot learn the name of the individual from whom it was purchased. It was well known that Mr. H. P. Borrell was in the habit of purchasing ancient coins, which were sent to him from all parts of Greece and Asia-Minor, and that many rare and unique specimens fell into his hands, of which he contributed descriptions in various volumes of the Numismatic Chronicle. The necklace may, therefore, have been included in one of these numerous consignments, and we can scarcely indulge the hope that the place of its discovery will ever be made known. As an example of ancient art, it may vie with the most elaborate and beautiful specimens of goldsmiths' work of any age or period. The details are wonderfully minute and delicate, even the backs of the button-like objects at the ends of the pendent cords being elaborately finished.


2022 ◽  
pp. 1-42
Author(s):  
Kazuo Miyamoto

Abstract From a linguistic standpoint, Proto-Japonic and Proto-Koreanic are assumed to have split off the Transeurasian languages in southern Manchuria. The linguistic idea that Proto-Japonic came earlier than Proto-Koreanic in the chronological scheme means that the Proto-Japonic language first entered the Korean Peninsula, and from there spread to the Japanese archipelago at the beginning of the Yayoi period, around the 9th century BC, while the arrival of Proto-Koreanic in southern Korea is associated with the spread of the rolled rim vessel culture around the 5th century BC. The genealogical sequence of the Pianpu, Mumun and Yayoi cultures, which shared the same pottery production techniques, indicates the spread of Proto-Japonic. On the other hand, migrants moved from Liaodong to the Korean Peninsula and established the rolled rim vessel culture. This population movement was likely due to social and political reasons as the Yan state enlarged its territory eastward. The Proto-Koreanic of the rolled rim vessel culture later spread to the Korean Peninsula and gradually drove out Proto-Japonic, becoming the predecessor of the Koreanic. In this paper, I examine the spread of Proto-Japonic and Proto-Koreanic in Northeast Asia based on archaeological evidence, focusing especially on the genealogy of pottery styles and pottery production techniques.


1913 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 61-69
Author(s):  
M. L. W. Laistner

Few terms in archaeology have become as ambiguous as the term Proto-Corinthian. Used at first not unreasonably of a class of small vases found over a wide area, which bear considerable resemblance to Corinthian pottery, the name has come to be applied to a number of vases which differ very widely from the fabrics originally so called. Furtwaengler first extended this term to two vases found near Thebes, and since then the appropriateness of the term has not been seriously questioned. Nowhere is this extension of the term more unsuitable than at Delphi, where a large quantity of Proto-Corinthian ware in the original sense of the term was found, as well as the Geometric pottery which Perdrizet describes as follows: ‘le géométrique delphien appartient à la catégorie appelée protocorinthienne par M. Furtwaengler: il est douteux qu'on puisse l'attribuer à une fabrique locale.’ The most cursory comparison of the Geometric pottery of Delphi, hitherto classed as Proto-Corinthian, with the Proto-Corinthian originally so called, makes it clear that whatever be the provenance of the Geometric, the same name cannot reasonably be applied to both fabrics. In the real Proto-Corinthian pottery a variety of shapes occurs, all of small size. The most characteristic are the aryballos, the lekythos, the pyxis, and the long-necked, flat-bottomed jug. The Delphic Geometric pottery on the other hand has little variety in its shapes, and, as will be seen below, these differ in size and form from the Proto-Corinthian. Again the distribution of Proto-Corinthian pottery extends over a very wide area; it occurs all over the mainland of Greece, in Italy and Sicily, and even in Asia Minor. The vases on the other hand which, as will appear later, may be brought in line with the Geometric pottery at Delphi, are few in number, and only found within a small area.


1988 ◽  
Vol 108 ◽  
pp. 173-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Whitley

An interest in the Greek idea of the hero, and in the cults established in Greek states to historical or legendary figures endowed with this status, has for long been one of the chief concerns of research into Greek philology and religion. But it is only through the gradual accumulation of archaeological evidence of Geometric and Archaic date that the origins of ‘hero cults’ have begun to be seen as an historical problem requiring an historical explanation. The most recent general works on Geometric and Archaic Greece, by J. N. Coldstream, Anthony Snodgrass and François de Polignac, have long sections devoted to discussing the significance of hero cults, and general ‘pan-hellenic’ explanations have been offered for their occurrence. Whilst there may be much truth in their suggestions, such ‘pan-Hellenic’ explanations ignore important local differences in the archaeological and material manifestations of hero cults. These differences, I would argue, relate in part to the different paths that were taken in the formation and development of early states in Greece. I shall use as examples the two regions of Attica and the Argolid, two areas of Greece where differences both in the manifestations of hero cults and in the paths of social evolution can most easily be traced. Before embarking on a detailed comparison of the two areas however, some discussion of the other general explanations that have been put forward is in order.


1980 ◽  
Vol 75 ◽  
pp. 1-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roderick Beaton

About A.D. 400 the historian Olympiodorus, surveying the contemporary state of culture with a perhaps conventional sigh of nostalgia for a vanished silver age, wrote that “Of the other liberal arts, such as arithmetic, geometry and astronomy, there are a few remains left to our time. But of music even its fame is not known to us. We have books on musical theory but we do not understand them”. Much the same had been said by Aristoxenus some seven centuries previously, which suggests that as far as the ancient world, at least, is concerned, any attempt at reconstructing the music of Greece can never be more than hypothetical and subjective. This does not mean that valuable information cannot be sifted from ancient texts and archaeological evidence, and the number of studies cited over a 25-year period by Winnington-Ingram testifies to the continuing interest of the subject despite its intrinsic limitations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-79
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Nikorowicz-Zatorska

Abstract The present paper focuses on spatial management regulations in order to carry out investment in the field of airport facilities. The construction, upgrades, and maintenance of airports falls within the area of responsibility of local authorities. This task poses a great challenge in terms of organisation and finances. On the one hand, an active airport is a municipal landmark and drives local economic, social and cultural development, and on the other, the scale of investment often exceeds the capabilities of local authorities. The immediate environment of the airport determines its final use and prosperity. The objective of the paper is to review legislation that affects airports and the surrounding communities. The process of urban planning in Lodz and surrounding areas will be presented as a background to the problem of land use management in the vicinity of the airport. This paper seeks to address the following questions: if and how airports have affected urban planning in Lodz, does the land use around the airport prevent the development of Lodz Airport, and how has the situation changed over the time? It can be assumed that as a result of lack of experience, land resources and size of investments on one hand and legislative dissonance and peculiar practices on the other, aviation infrastructure in Lodz is designed to meet temporary needs and is characterised by achieving short-term goals. Cyclical problems are solved in an intermittent manner and involve all the municipal resources, so there’s little left to secure long-term investments.


Author(s):  
Alessandra Molinari

Chris Wickham has recently turned his attention to the economic and social transformations of the central Middle Ages. In the same period relations between the Christian and Muslim worlds have been presented primarily in terms of holy war or raids, and hardly ever framed in economic terms. Archaeology can help to answer questions about exchange routes, systems of production and settlement patterns, and pottery provides a key element in reconstructing the complexity of pre-modern economic networks. In this paper I want to compare two case studies. I will first examine the role of Palermo in the internal economy of Sicily and beyond. Recent excavations have provided much new information on the Muslim and Christian periods in its history, and particularly on the city’s planned growth and development as a centre of pottery production and export in the tenth century. I will then turn to the archaeological evidence for Rome, which Chris has described as the most complex city between the tenth and twelfth centuries, both economically and socially, in the whole Italian peninsula. In fact, based on the material evidence, Rome was far less complex than Palermo, and unlike Milan, it failed to take off economically in the thirteenth century. Chris has suggested that the success of the latter city was due to its specialized products, local exchange system and connections with a hierarchy of smaller settlements in the locality. Whilst the archaeological evidence for Milan is much scarcer, these features can usefully be tested as a model against which to compare other cities. Comparing Rome and Palermo it is the Sicilian city that can be said to have had the more vibrant economy, with its exports to multiple rural centres some distance away. Whilst a recent conference has underlined the existence of specialized artisans serving Rome’s elite and its numerous pilgrims, unlike Palermo it did not base its economy on production and mercantile activities.


Land ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (7) ◽  
pp. 749
Author(s):  
Leonardo Bianchini ◽  
Gianluca Egidi ◽  
Ahmed Alhuseen ◽  
Adele Sateriano ◽  
Sirio Cividino ◽  
...  

The spatial mismatch between population growth and settlement expansion is at the base of current models of urban growth. Empirical evidence is increasingly required to inform planning measures promoting urban containment in the context of a stable (or declining) population. In these regards, per-capita indicators of land-use change can be adopted with the aim at evaluating long-term sustainability of urbanization processes. The present study assesses spatial variations in per-capita indicators of land-use change in Rome, Central Italy, at five years (1949, 1974, 1999, 2008, and 2016) with the final objective of quantifying the mismatch between urban expansion and population growth. Originally specialized in agricultural productions, Rome’s metropolitan area is a paradigmatic example of dispersed urban expansion in the Mediterranean basin. By considering multiple land-use dynamics, per-capita indicators of landscape change delineated three distinctive waves of growth corresponding with urbanization, suburbanization, and a more mixed stage with counter-urbanization and re-urbanization impulses. By reflecting different socioeconomic contexts on a local scale, urban fabric and forests were identified as the ‘winner’ classes, expanding homogeneously over time at the expense of cropland. Agricultural landscapes experienced a more heterogeneous trend with arable land and pastures declining systematically and more fragmented land classes (e.g., vineyards and olive groves) displaying stable (or slightly increasing) trends. The continuous reduction of per-capita surface area of cropland that’s supports a reduced production base, which is now insufficient to satisfy the rising demand for fresh food at the metropolitan scale, indicates the unsustainability of the current development in Rome and more generally in the whole Mediterranean basin, a region specialized traditionally in (proximity) agricultural productions.


Atmosphere ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (8) ◽  
pp. 996
Author(s):  
Athanasios Karagioras ◽  
Konstantinos Kourtidis

The purpose of the present study is to investigate the impact of rain, snow and hail on potential gradient (PG), as observed in a period of ten years in Xanthi, northern Greece. An anticorrelation between PG and rainfall was observed for rain events that lasted several hours. When the precipitation rate was up to 2 mm/h, the decrease in PG was between 200 and 1300 V/m, in most cases being around 500 V/m. An event with rainfall rates up to 11 mm/h produced the largest drop in PG, of 2 kV/m. Shortly after rain, PG appeared to bounce back to somewhat higher values than the ones of fair-weather conditions. A decrease in mean hourly PG was observed, which was around 2–4 kV/m during the hail events which occurred concurrently with rain and from 0 to 3.5 kV/m for hail events with no rain. In the case of no drop, no concurrent drop in temperature was observed, while, for the other cases, it appeared that, for each degree drop in temperature, the drop in hourly mean PG was 1000 V/m; hence, we assume that the intensity of the hail event regulates the drop in PG. The frequency distribution of 1-minute PG exhibits a complex structure during hail events and extend from −18 to 11 kV/m, with most of the values in the negative range. During snow events, 1-minute PG exhibited rapid fluctuations between high positive and high negative values, its frequency distribution extending from −10 to 18 kV/m, with peaks at −10 and 3 kV/m.


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