The Oxford Handbook of Public Choice, Volume 1

The two volume Oxford Handbook of Public Choice provides a comprehensive overview of the Public Choice literature. Volume 1 covers rational choice models of elections, interest groups, rent seeking, and public choice contributions to normative political economy. It begins with introductory chapters on rational choice politics, the founding of public choice, and the evaluation and selection of constitutions. The chapters were all written for this handbook by scholars who are well known for their contributions to research in the areas discussed.

The two-volume Oxford Handbook of Public Choice provides a comprehensive overview of the public-choice literature. Volume 2 covers constitutional political economy and applications of public-choice models to various policy areas. Part V has chapters on the architecture of governance, the theory of dictatorship, and the effects of the institutions of governance. Part VI discusses the politics of public policy, international public choice, public choice and history, and measurement issues. The volume touches on topics such as taxation, redistribution, federalism, and monetary policy. It ends with discussions of various methodological approaches, including extensions of the core models to account for altruism and trust, and overviews of measurement and estimation issues, and the use of experiments in public-choice research. The chapters were all written for this handbook by scholars well known for their contributions to the areas covered.


Author(s):  
Luna Bellani ◽  
Heinrich Ursprung

The authors review the literature on the public-choice analysis of redistribution policies. They restrict the discussion to redistribution in democracies and focus on policies that are pursued with the sole objective of redistributing initial endowments. Since generic models of redistribution in democracies lack equilibria, one needs to introduce structure-inducing rules to arrive at a models whose behavior realistically portrays observed redistribution patterns. These rules may relate to the economic relationships, political institutions, or to firmly established preferences, beliefs, and attitudes of voters. The chapter surveys the respective lines of argument in turn and then present the related empirical evidence.


2009 ◽  
Vol 99 (5) ◽  
pp. 2227-2246 ◽  
Author(s):  
John G. Matsusaka

In the public sector, employment may be inefficiently high because of patronage, and wages may be inefficiently high because of public employee interest groups. This paper explores whether the initiative process, a direct democracy institution of growing importance, ameliorates these political economy problems. In a sample of 650+ cities, I find that when public employees cannot bargain collectively and patronage could be a problem, initiatives appear to cut employment but not wages. When public employees bargain collectively, driving up wages, the initiative appears to cut wages but not employment. The employment-cutting result is robust; the wage-cutting result survives some but not all robustness tests. (JEL D72, J31, J45, J52)


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-57
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Bezat-Jarzebowska ◽  
WÅ‚odzimierz Rembisz ◽  
Agata Sielska

It can be assumed that the scope of agricultural policy and connected with its financial streams are not accidental. Selection of a particular, policy defines a mechanism in which the benefits and costs are combined. Such an effort of describing and ex plaining the mechanism was presented in the paper. We use the concept of a public choice model. Issues of including political (or admin istrative) interest in defining and shaping the policy are incorporated into the models of public choice. The authors assumed the rationality of decision makers and their goal to maximize their own utility. The analysis presented in the paper is some reference to one of the trends of political economy, according to which the emphasis is on the voters’ behaviour.   Keywords: Public choice, political rent, agricultural policy, political economic  analysis


Author(s):  
Žarko Đorić

Economic development and the success of economic policy through which the development goals are achieved can be interpreted as a product of political interactions between citizens and rulers, and social interactions between members of society in the broader sense. As structures and mechanisms of social order, institutions manage the behavior of a group of individuals within a given community. Institutions affect the accountability and responsiveness of officials to citizens and interest groups and, thus, determine the size of the rents created. Further, institutions influence the degree of political control of public bureaucrats and, thus, the distribution of rents within the public sphere. The aim of this paper is to present the concept of rent-seeking and, using an empirical case, to elaborate on its emergence, development and ultimate consequences.


2021 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-161
Author(s):  
Ersin Sağdıç ◽  
Öner Gümüş ◽  
Güner Tuncer

This study is aimed to investigate the regional pressure groups' effect on the government size in Turkey. According to the public choice theory, elections, political parties, interest and pressure groups, and bureaucracy significantly affect the public production process. Among these actors, pressure and interest groups directly affect variables such as economic growth and public expenditures. In this study, panel data analysis was used to observe the regional effect. The research data set covered 81 provinces of Turkey and the period between 2006 and 2018. According to the results, it was found that interest and pressure groups increase the public expenditures in the less developed regions in Turkey. These results are consistent with the empirical and theoretical studies. For this reason, the study has an important contribution to the literature. This study offers significant conclusions that public economic policies might be under the influence of interest and pressure groups. Even if stated that the results of this study might have many economic, demographic, social, and political reasons regarding Turkey, in the context of public choice theory, it could be seen as a significant indicator of not using public expenditure policies as efficient instruments. This situation shows that public resources are not used efficiently in Turkey and the government has a negative effect on the economy. To eradicate this negative effect, governments coming to power in the future ought to produce economic, political, and social policies in order to decrease the regional differences dramatically in Turkey.


2004 ◽  
Vol 56 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 189-220
Author(s):  
Ivan Jankovic

At the beginning, the author points out that rent-seeking economy is a distinctive phenomenon for majority of the contemporary market economies. It is reflected in the aspirations of the well organised interest groups to capture public choice and politicians as a tool to gain non-market benefits for themselves, or to take activities to gain income by non-market redistributions instead to do it on the market. According to the author examples of rent-seeking economy are antitrust, arbitrary export-import restrictions, subsidies for various sectors of economy, unions' practices of closed shop or collective bargaining. The author notes that there are legitimate public goods and services (such as military and police services or infrastructure) and therefore legitimate taxing and spending for providing of such public necessities. In his opinion, however, rent-seeking economy results from the growing government intervention in economy based upon widening of its role and responsibility to handle a wide spectrum of illegitimate ??social?? issues, rather than rest upon better providing of classical government services. Rent-seeking economy is a result of abandoning the strict market economy with no or little income gained by the extra market redistribution. The social environment where it is permissible and desirable to remove as great as possible economic activities from the free, non-regulated markets to the public sector or to the sector of the highly regulated economy which is cartelised by coercion, leads entrepreneurs to change their orientation. They do not perceive the regular competition as the best way to make success, but by lobbying with the political bodies. The basic rule of rent-seeking is that when there is a chance to gain rent, there will be someone who will try to get it. Therefore, in the author's opinion the government and the public inclining towards state interventionism are the main to blame for the rise of rent-seeking. This is because they make chances to gain rents since the general social and political environment enables it, as well as because there is an insufficiency of detailed legislative and constitutional restrictions on the role of the government in economy. Therefore, the basic condition for elimination or at least reduction of the scope of rent-seeking economy, in the opinion of the author, is to drastically diminish the role of the government in economic affairs. In that way the economy would be strictly separated form the politics, and entrepreneurs would be sent a signal that the reallocation of resources from productive to lobbying activities for gaining privileges is not an appropriate way to gain income. Within this context, the author points to consideration of the achievements of the James Buchanan's public choice theory that deals with the defects of political decision-making. He also points to the fact that the essence of the liberal constitutional reform that could diminish the scope of rent-seeking could be best perceived in the words stated by Friedrich Hayek the Nobel prize winner, saying that the government should be prohibited to employ ??coercive discriminatory acts??. This means that the government should not employ its monopoly of physical force to award economic privileges to anyone, but it should adopt laws of general use to be applied to the unknown number of cases in the future, concludes the author.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-22
Author(s):  
Rafael Galvão de Almeida

This article proposes to analyze the contributions of Albert Hirschman to political economy. Although he was explicitly affiliated to any school of thought, Hirschman worked with both economics and political science to understand questions such as ‘why do people vote and participate in politics?’. He was disappointed with what mainstream economics could provide and elaborated the Exit-Voice-Loyalty (EVL) framework, to understand mechanisms of action in politics and the economy. His EVL framework has been widely read, but it did not develop a paradigm around it and was ignored by economists due to its lack of formal models. Hirschman went on to work on the political economy of citizenship in his works (Hirschman, 1977, [1982] 2002, 1991), in order to provide answers to questions of political economy away from rational choice theory, which he considered harmful.


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