Intervention in The Gambia may prove unique

Significance For over a month, Jammeh rebuffed diplomatic efforts by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to accept Adama Barrow's victory in the December 1 presidential poll. An ECOWAS military intervention into The Gambia -- accompanied by last-minute diplomatic efforts and purported financial and security guarantees -- finally forced Jammeh to accept defeat. Impacts A truth commission offering amnesty for military officials and the outgoing government could prompt discord within the new ruling alliance. Military restructuring will be a priority for Barrow's government. International assistance will likely flow in support of the new president. The Gambia's tourism sector -- which makes up nearly 20% of the country's GDP -- will struggle to recover in the short-term. The ECOWAS intervention could prove unpopular among members' domestic constituencies if a lengthy, costly mission emerges.

Significance The end to the UN peace operation came almost three months after the departure of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Mission in Guinea Bissau (ECOMIB). The completion of both missions comes amid a tense political standoff between President Umaro Sissoco Embalo and the former ruling African Party for the Independence of Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde (PAIGC). Impacts Embalo’s heavy-handed approach could bring short-term stability but poses a long-term threat to a fragile political and security situation. Drug trafficking will remain a major challenge for the new administration, despite hard-line government commitments. Embalo is looking to regional allies to attract much-needed funds for his administration and provide technical and financial assistance.


Significance Since coming to power following November's military intervention and ouster of former President Robert Mugabe, Mnangagwa and his government have promised an overhaul of the economy, including reversing controversial indigenisation policies. However, unresolved structural constraints in key sectors, including the military’s ongoing influence, limit the potential for success. Impacts The opposition is likely to fracture further as a succession struggle takes hold within the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T). The military's influence over agricultural policy will allow tight control and repression of the rural electorate ahead of polls. A de-dollarisation of the economy is unlikely in the short term; a mix of US dollars, bond notes and electronic money will still be used.


Subject Outlook for presidential elections in Guinea-Bissau. Significance Controversial outgoing President Jose Mario Vaz is among twelve candidates vying for the presidency on November 24. While the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)-backed elections are set to go ahead as planned, fears linger that they will not end recurring political turmoil. Impacts If Pereira wins, he will likely try drafting a new constitution to give greater clarity to the current ambiguous semi-presidential system. Ongoing political instability will exacerbate border insecurity and long-standing narco-trafficking. A more active, internationally backed civil society will ensure added scrutiny of political parties and the government over the long term.


Subject ECOWAS tests. Significance Recent elections across the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) have been marred by violence and fraud allegations, and fresh constitutional crises abound. While trade harmonisation efforts are gaining traction, obstacles to implementation persist. Impacts The multiplicity of trade arrangements being negotiated by ECOWAS member states will likely slow the process of trade harmonisation. There will be heightened scrutiny of Senegal’s December local polls after recent electoral disputes and increasing centralisation of power. While most of Togo's opposition will participate in local polls this month, growing disunity could sidetrack its efforts to oust Gnassingbe.


1995 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 569-593 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ademola Adeleke

TheEconomic Community of West African States (Ecowas) was established in May 1975 as an organisation to promote the development of the sub-region, and for 15 years did not deviate from this mandate. The 16 member-states – Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Côte d'Ivoire, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Togo – restricted their interactions to purely economic matters and ran shy of political issues confronting West Africa. This tradition changed in 1990 when Ecowas decided to intervene in the civil war which had broken out in Liberia. Its strategy to resolve the conflict followed two parallel but mutually interactive channels — making and enforcing peace. The former involved negotiations and arbitration; the latter the deployment in August 1990 of a 3,000 strong multinational force to supervise a cease-fire.


Significance The administration also deployed more police to tourist resorts and promised to close Salafi mosques and to curb some religious associations. At least one religious political party may be closed, but there are concerns about a return to authoritarian policies. Impacts There will be damage to the wider economy, well beyond the already troubled tourism sector. The government will try to limit radicalisation with authoritarian-style policies, but this is unlikely to work in the short term. Popular mistrust of the government, already significant, will grow.


Significance The fact that the meeting was held in Egypt, rather than the usual meeting place of Qatar, signals a shift in Hamas-Cairo relations. Impacts In the short term, any expanded cooperation could see a conflagration in the Sinai as insurgents fear encirclement. In the medium term, genuine Egyptian-Hamas rapprochement should go some way towards containing the insurgency. A stable Sinai could help Egypt’s foundering tourism sector. An open Rafah border crossing could see reconstruction start in earnest in Gaza and head off a looming humanitarian crisis.


Significance Presidential elections in the other five (Burkina Faso, Ghana, Guinea, Ivory Coast and Niger) are set for the fourth quarter. While ECOWAS touts its regional trade and monetary harmonisation efforts, contentious polls complicate its short-term agenda. Impacts Implementation of ECOWAS's new regional counterterrorism strategy will be hampered by insufficient funding and resources. The proposed July launch of the regional ‘Eco’ common currency will likely prove too ambitious and be subject to delays. Nigeria’s various conflicts and political divisions, as well as its autarkic policies, will limit its traditional regional leadership role. Former Burkinabe Prime Minister Kadre Desire Ouedraogo could present a formidable challenge to President Roch Marc Christian Kabore. Despite its reputation for stability, opposition criticisms of the electoral authorities will increase scrutiny of Ghana's polls.


Subject West African currency plans. Significance The new ‘Eco’ currency backed by the West African and Economic Monetary Union (WAEMU) and France is meant to be put into circulation in July. However, the COVID-19 pandemic and other political issues have compounded existing problems in meeting the deadline. At a recent extraordinary summit of ECOWAS leaders, the Eco issue was notably absent from the agenda. Meanwhile, divisions and confusion persist over proposed regional currency plans, with accusations from several mainly English-speaking states that an earlier ECOWAS-backed ‘Eco’ single currency has been hijacked. Impacts In the event the WAEMU Eco is introduced, France’s guarantee will mitigate the risk of capital flight and abrupt currency depreciation. Nigeria will likely oppose WAMZ members joining the WAEMU Eco until such point as there is no French involvement. ECOWAS’s short-term focus will be on the African Union’s debt cancellation and relief initiatives.


2021 ◽  
Vol 194 ◽  
pp. 29-65

29Human rights — Freedom of expression — Free speech — Journalists — Restriction of access to public information — Criminalization of defamation, sedition and insult — Torture and inhuman or degrading treatment — Unlawful and arbitrary detention — Living in exile — Whether Gambian laws violating rights of journalistsTreaties — Human rights treaties — Treaty obligations — Obligations under regional and international human rights treaties — Compliance of arrest and detention with treaty obligations — Compliance of Gambia’s libel, sedition and false news publication laws with its treaty obligations — African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, 1981 — Revised Treaty of the Economic Community of West African States, 1993 — International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 — Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948International tribunals — Jurisdiction — Community Court of Justice of Economic Community of West African States — Non-applicability of exhaustion of domestic remedies — Statute of limitations — Interpretation of Article 9(3) Supplementary Protocol, 2005 — Whether statute of limitations applicable — Whether Community Court of Justice decisions affirming statutory limitation to be overruled — Whether Court having jurisdiction


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