Hong Kong government cannot ignore protester demands

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Independent Judiciary ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
The Government ◽  
Selection Of

Subject The demands set out by anti-government protesters in Hong Kong. Significance Mass protests have forced the government to withdraw an unpopular bill allowing extradition to mainland China. However, the protesters’ agenda has broadened to include four more demands: repudiation of the government’s designation of the protests as ‘riots’; amnesty for all protesters; an independent probe into the police’s use of force; and universal suffrage for the selection of Hong Kong’s chief executive. Impacts Investigations, trials and lawsuits will drag on for years, poisoning the political atmosphere and hindering cooperation between camps. Hong Kong’s independent judiciary may be a moderating influence. Replacing Lam would not be a fresh start; the process would spotlight Hong Kong’s lack of democracy.

The political predicament of the pan-democrats in Hong Kong under Chinese rule

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 498-510
Author(s):  
Raymond Kwun Sun Lau
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Institutional Constraints ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Basic Law ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
Political Distrust ◽  
New Interpretation ◽  
Triangular Model

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to make sense of the slow and frustrating process of democratization in Hong Kong through understanding the pan-democrats’ struggle for realizing universal suffrage. It aims to offer possible explanations for the current political impasse between Hong Kong and mainland China over the issue of universal suffrage. Design/methodology/approach This paper seeks to construct a triangular model of institutional constraint, clashing visions of democracy and mutual political distrust for understanding the pan-democrats’ struggle for realizing universal suffrage in Hong Kong since the 1980s, the nature of current political predicament they found themselves in and the current political impasse between the pan-democrats and Beijing. Findings The dilemma facing Hong Kong’s pan-democrats and Beijing’s leadership is attributed to the institutional constraints of Basic Law on Hong Kong’s system of governance, the clashing visions of Beijing-led Chinese-style democracy and Western-style liberal democracy as advocated by the pan-democrats and the mutual political distrust between the two parties. The findings suggest that this triangular model will remain relevant in understanding the political predicament of the pan-democrats under Chinese rule and the political impasse between Hong Kong and mainland China over universal suffrage for the coming decades. Originality/value This paper provides a new interpretation of the current political impasse between Hong Kong and mainland China over the issue of universal suffrage. It offers new insights into the nature of current political predicament the pan-democrats found themselves in amidst their fight for realizing universal suffrage since the 1980s by constructing a triangular model of institutional constraints, clashing visions of democracy and mutual political distrust.

A comparative study on registration system of real estate between Hong Kong and Mainland China

2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hao Wang ◽  
Shuyan Wei ◽  
Bo-sin Tang ◽  
Junhua Chen ◽  
Wenbin Li
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Real Estate ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Registration System ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Land Registration ◽  
The Real Estate ◽  
Efficiency And Effectiveness ◽  
The Government

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to review land/real estate registration practice in Hong Kong, and make an in-depth comparison with Mainland China and finally provide helpful suggestions for the government. Design/methodology/approach Research methods including document analysis/review and comparative study are used in this paper. Findings The main findings focus on the problems existing in the mainland, including narrow query subject, single way of query, limited query time, and lacking of incentive mechanism. Helpful suggestions for real estate registration system in Mainland China are offered based on the comparative study. Practical implications The unified registration system can improve the efficiency of administrative institutions to ensure an open and transparent environment of property right registration, which helps prevent the relevant departments from abusing administrative power and harming the interests of obligees. The findings of this research can serve as a useful reference for policy makers to improve the unified registration system in China. Originality/value The registration system/mechanism determines the efficiency and effectiveness of real estate/land market. However, land registration and query in some countries such as Mainland China have institutional problems which hinder the sustained and healthy development of the real estate industry. The value of this paper is to propose constructive suggestions for such countries/regions by comparing and learning from a good model.

Election will reveal China's position on Hong Kong

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
1997 Handover ◽  
The City ◽  
Shed Light

Subject The outlook for Hong Kong's chief executive election. Significance On March 26, Hong Kong will elect a new chief executive to head the city's government for the next five years. He or she will be elected not by universal suffrage but by a 1,194-member Election Committee. This year's election is the first since the 1997 handover of Hong Kong to China where the outcome is uncertain: the incumbent, Leung Chun-ying, has decided not to run for a second term, and there are two potential successors acceptable to Beijing. Impacts Leung is so unpopular that the winner will have greater ability to manoeuvre simply by virtue of not being him. At very least, the winner will consolidate support among the establishment; however, the honeymoon will be short. The election will shed light on Beijing's influence and intentions in the city.

Anti-mainland feeling fuels Hong Kong radical groups

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Police Officers ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Mainland Chinese ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
Legislative Council ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Visitor Numbers

Significance The violence was the worst Hong Kong has witnessed since protesters clashed with police during the 2014 'Umbrella Protests' which demanded greater political autonomy from mainland China. Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying, Hong Kong's top political official, swiftly denounced the violent attacks on police officers and journalists and vowed to prosecute instigators. Impacts Local outbreaks of violent protesting will have little impact on tourism or international business in the short term. Public anger will prompt the chief executive's administration to distance itself from mainland Chinese authorities. China will support some measures that lessen Hong Kong anger over the impact of Chinese tourism, such as further curbs on visitor numbers. Pro-localisation forces will seek greater representation in the Legislative Council elections slated for September 2016.

Protest success will embolden Hongkongers

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
Judicial Independence ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Beijing Government

Subject Mass protests in Hong Kong. Significance Chief Executive Carrie Lam has agreed to shelve a bill to allow extradition from Hong Kong to mainland China, after a wave of huge street protests. The bill’s opponents argued that it would erode Hong Kong’s judicial independence and could be used to prosecute critics of the Beijing government. Impacts China will sometimes handle political enemies in Hong Kong through extra-judicial detentions. Lam will be a much-damaged leader and lawmakers of both political camps will feel emboldened to challenge her initiatives. Lam is unlikely to resign unless Beijing weighs in, which would happen behind closed doors.

Mass resignations reconfigure Hong Kong opposition

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Economic Assistance ◽  
New Wave ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Social Distancing ◽  
The Past ◽  
Independent Judiciary ◽  
Dramatic Rise ◽  
The Government

Significance The resignations will end the gridlock and obstructionism of the past few years, when opposition lawmakers blocked legislation supported by the government and establishment politicians. Impacts Contested politics will for now shift to the democratically elected (but legally powerless) District Councils and the independent judiciary. A refreshed, more moderate opposition bloc may emerge at the LegCo election next year. Hong Kong is unlikely to pass further economic assistance packages, despite new social distancing requirements amid a new wave of COVID-19. Absent a crisis or dramatic rise in repression, Western governments are unlikely to go much further in changing how they treat Hong Kong.

scholarly journals The challenges facing the next Chief Executive of Hong Kong in 2022: managing growth, conflict, change and continuity

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Regina Suk-yee Ip Lau
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
Central Authority ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Unique Character ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
Two Systems ◽  
One Country Two Systems ◽  
High Degree

PurposeThis article outlines the challenges faced by the next Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) in 2022 – the need to address economic problems resulting from Hong Kong’s slow growth; its inability to restructure its economy to broaden job opportunities and improve upward mobility for young people; and the government’s belated attempt to deploy innovation and technology.Design/methodology/approachThis article is based on the author’s in-depth analysis of the current situation and insights on the challenges faced by the next Chief Executive.FindingsTensions are inherent in the concept of “One Country, Two Systems”. Back in November 2012, Deputy Director of the Hong Kong and Macao Office Zhang Xiaoming already reminded Hong Kong of the need to manage well three sets of relationships: (1) maintaining the “One Country” principle while preserving the SARs’ “separate systems”; (2) upholding Central Authority while preserving the SARs’ “high degree of autonomy”; and (3) unleashing the economic potential of mainland China while raising the competitiveness of the SARs. These three sets of relationships represent three fundamental difficulties in implementing “One Country, Two Systems”. However, Hong Kong kept ignoring Beijing’s advice and failed to resolve the tension between the mainland and Hong Kong SAR, culminating in the riotous events of 2019, which morphed into a dangerous, anti-China insurgency.Originality/valueThe next Chief Executive needs to mediate between the constitutional requirements of the Central Authority while preserving Hong Kong SAR’s “high degree of autonomy”, its unique character and lifestyle. He or she also needs to deal with continuity and change. Hong Kong cannot stand still, and should not allow itself to be lulled by the “50 years no change” mantra into overlooking the need to move with the times. Much reform needs to be implemented by the next Chief Executive to give people hope, faith in “One Country, Two Systems” and true love of the country.

A localist’s critique of Hong Kong’s political development

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeff Hai Chi Loo
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legal Interpretation ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Academic Paper ◽  
Basic Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
Legitimacy Crisis

Purpose This paper intends to explore the localist perspectives concerning Hong Kong’s political development. The persistent growth of localists in the polity of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) has not only challenged the current political order but also aroused Beijing’s national security considerations. The oath-taking controversies of 2016 demonstrated the strife that now exists between Beijing and the localists in Hong Kong. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the localists’ perceptions of the political decay, legitimacy crisis and reverse democratization in HKSAR to illuminate further their perceptions of Hong Kong’s political development. Design/methodology/approach This paper uses the theoretical discussion of the relations between political decay, legitimacy, the legitimacy crisis and reverse democratization as the key analytical framework to understand the localists’ perspective concerning Hong Kong’s political development. Based on an analysis of the localists’ discourse, the implication for the HKSAR regime’s legitimacy and for reverse democratization will be discussed. Findings The emergence of the new localists leads to the belief that Hong Kong’s political development is experiencing the reverse of democratization as the government cannot fully absorb the demands made by the general public. The reverse democratization is directly impacting the regime’s legitimacy, but in the HKSAR’s case, the new localists see the root of the problem as stemming from Beijing, that is that the Chinese Communist Party’s legitimacy problem is due to its underdevelopment in the legal, political and cultural spheres. This underdevelopment has weakened the legitimacy of the HKSAR’s administration, especially with regard to political reform, the legal interpretation of the Basic Law, and the influx of immigrants and tourists from the Mainland into the Hong Kong’s society. The China factor, from the Localists’ viewpoint, is at the root of the political decay and the legitimacy crisis in Hong Kong. More significantly, the localists regard the involvement of Beijing in Hong Kong’s affairs as its way to disrupt the autonomous status of the HKSAR. As a result, public discontent has further intensified and created the legitimacy crisis for the HKSAR Government. Originality/value This paper is the first academic paper to provide a critical analysis of Hong Kong’s localists’ views regarding Hong Kong’s political development since becoming the HKSAR. In contrast with the existing literature about Hong Kong’s democratization and political development, this paper introduces localists’ views and advocates the idea of “reverse democratization” to explain their perceptions concerning Hong Kong’s political development.

COVID-19 will have severe impact on Hong Kong

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Civil Servants ◽  
Border Crossings ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Legislative Council ◽  
Public Facilities ◽  
Work From Home ◽  
The Government ◽  
Tourism And Hospitality

Subject Impact of the COVID-19 coronavirus outbreak on Hong Kong. Significance To curb the spread of COVID-19, the Hong Kong government has closed universities until mid-March and schools until April 20. Public facilities are closed until further notice. Civil servants have been asked to work from home, and the government has strongly encouraged private businesses to implement work-from-home arrangements. Only three of Hong Kong’s 13 border crossings with mainland China remain open, and anyone entering from mainland China must undergo a 14-day quarantine. Impacts The economy, already hit hard by the protest movement, will deteriorate further, with retail, tourism and hospitality especially affected. Even if Hong Kong controls the outbreak within its borders, economic weakness in China and elsewhere in Asia will constrain the recovery. The government’s perceived mismanagement of the crisis will hurt pro-government parties in Legislative Council elections in September.

Digital Representation in an Electoral Campaign Influenced by Mainland China: The 2017 Hong Kong Chief Executive Election

2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (02) ◽  
pp. 1950005
Author(s):  
FUNG CHAN ◽  
BIYANG SUN
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Hong Kong ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
The Public ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
Electoral Campaign ◽  
Social Media Platforms ◽  
Limited Power

Widely known by the public, the Chief Executive of Hong Kong is selected not by universal suffrage but by a 1,200-member Election Committee (EC). While candidates Carrie Lam, John Tsang, and Kwok-hing Woo all ran in the Chief Executive Election of 2017, only Lam received the blessing of authorities in the Mainland. Though Tsang had led the polls throughout the entire campaign and was popular on several social media platforms, a majority of EC members still cast their vote for Lam as Chief Executive. This was the first time that EC members voted against popular opinion in the Chief Executive Election. This paper analyzes the limited power of social media under elections that are under the influence of Mainland China. It also examines the problem of legitimacy in such electoral settings and the way in which authorities in the Mainland have influenced electoral outcomes through defects in the institutional systems of Hong Kong. The 2017 Chief Executive Election affirmed the tightened control of Mainland authorities over the affairs of Hong Kong.

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