On the Death and Resurrection of Class Voting: Some Comments on How Britain Votes

1986 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 620-638 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivor Crewe

How Britain Votes,1 based on the 1983 British Election Study, challenges the consensual view that in recent elections class voting has declined and thereby contributed to Labour's electoral misfortunes. It redefines social classes, including the working class, claims that relative class voting shows no evidence of decline, argues that Labour's electoral troubles are largely due to the diminishing size of the working class, not its changing character, and infers that Labour need not and should not dilute its explicit working-class appeal. This article shows that these criticisms of previous work are misplaced; that the claim that class voting has not declined is marred by logical, conceptual and measurement flaws; that a class dealignment has undoubtedly occurred; and that the implications for Labour's electoral strategy are the opposite of those suggested.

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 94
Author(s):  
Renata Garcia Campos Duarte

Este artigo tem como objetivo discutir a importância da utilização de impressos operários enquanto fonte para as pesquisas em história da educação, analisando alguns debates e ideias educacionais presentes em dois jornais operários de origem associativa: O Labor, da Confederação Auxiliadora dos Operários, e O Confederal, do Centro Confederativo dos Operários. As associações responsáveis pelos periódicos foram constituídas nos primeiros anos de existência de Belo Horizonte, cidade construída para sediar a nova capital do Estado de Minas Gerais. Os impressos operários, por sua vez, são entendidos em suas particularidades tendo-se em vista as suas características, os quais divulgavam algumas ideias e debates, como os referentes ao campo educacional. A partir da análise dos jornais foi apurada a existência de demandas e propostas por educação para todas as classes sociais, visto que o ensino em Belo Horizonte não era ofertado a todos, ou se era oferecido, não alcançava as classes sociais menos favorecidas.The working class press and the History of Education: an analysis of the contributions of the newspapers The Labor and The Confederal to the History of Education in the initial years of Belo Horizonte. This article aims to discuss the importance of the use of working class press as a source for research in the history of education, analyzing some debates and educational ideas present in two workers' newspapers of associative origin: The Labor, of the Auxiliary Confederation of Workers, and The Confederal, of the Confederative Center for Workers. The associations responsible for the periodicals were constituted in the first years of existence of Belo Horizonte, city built to host the new capital of the State of Minas Gerais. The working class periodicals, in turn, are understood in their particularities in view of their characteristics, which disseminated some ideas and debates, such as those concerning the educational field. From the analysis of the newspapers, the existence of demands and proposals for education for all social classes was verified, whereas the education in Belo Horizonte was not offered to all, or if it was offered, it did not reach the less favored social classes. Keywords: Workers associations; Belo Horizonte; Education; History of education; Working class press.


Author(s):  
Justin Gest

What are white working-class voting trends over time? The Clinton presidency and Blair government marked parallel pivots in the trajectory of the Democratic and Labour parties—a pursuit of what has been termed a “Third Way.” Since the 1930s, the parties had been associated with unionism,...


Author(s):  
James Muldoon

This chapter argues that council theorists considered it important to shift the balance of power between social classes in order to achieve political transformation. It theorizes differences between those who advocated ‘organization’ (Kautsky) versus those who advocated ‘mobilization’ (Luxemburg, Pannekoek) as the most effective method of developing the independent power of the working class. It claims Karl Kautsky advocated a strategy of developing power through building worker-led organizations such as the party, unions, and the press. His strategy involved the gradual growth of power through organization-building, parliamentary activity, and developing workers’ consciousness within existing organizations. Underlying this strategy of organization lay a conception of power as something that could be incrementally developed and stored through sound organizing, discipline, and patience. In contrast, Rosa Luxemburg and Anton Pannekoek considered that power could only be developed through political struggle and direct clashes with the ruling class. They argued that previously unorganized workers could be mobilized through the escalating dynamics of political struggle and that consciousness-raising was best conducted in militant action rather than administrative party activities. These two fundamentally different analyses of how workers should develop their power shed light on different aspects of the council movements’ political struggle.


2015 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 629-651 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Oskarson ◽  
Marie Demker

How is it that the Swedish populist nationalist party the Sweden Democrats receives its strongest support from the established working class, in spite of the high degree of class voting and left–right mobilization which is known to characterize Swedish politics? Based on surveys from the SOM (Society, Opinion, Media) Institute as well as the Swedish National Elections Studies, this article shows that this is not a result of increasing anti-immigrant attitudes in the working class or of decreasing left–right polarization among voters. Rather, we present the argument that the weakening alignment between the working class and the Social Democratic Party and the weakened left–right polarization between the main parties have created a structure which has left room for a realignment between large parts of the working class and the Sweden Democrats along the alternative underlying ideological dimension of authoritarianism/libertarianism.


1983 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rex Taylor ◽  
Graeme Ford

ABSTRACTThis paper examines the distribution of personal resources - financial, social, health and psychological - between age cohorts, sex groups and social classes in a random sample of community elderly. As expected, the young elderly, males and those from middle-class backgrounds have a disproportionate share of three out of four of these resources, but for social support the balance of advantage is reversed. When age, sex and class are combined to yield eight subgroups, younger working-class males consistently rank high on all resources and older working-class females consistently rank low. Older middle-class females rank low on all resources other than on close friends.


1993 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald D. Lambert ◽  
James E. Curtis

AbstractThis article presents tests of effects of social class background on voters' perceptions of most and least favoured federal parties, perceived party differences and subjective class voting. The data were taken from the 1984 Canadian National Election Study. The results show that subjective class voting extended to voters' beliefs about least liked parties. And the greater the perceived differences between voters' preferred parties and their second and third choice parties, the greater the level of class voting. An index which combined respondents' perceptions of the class orientations of most and least liked parties increased the estimate of the level of subjective class voting that takes place. The results suggest that this index provides an improved way of assessing subjective class voting. This index is a useful improvement upon previous measures because it incorporates information on the extent to which voters see Canadian politics as presenting class-based alternatives. This is the conceptual domain of the dependent variable in the literature on subjective class voting, but perceived class-based alternatives are seldom measured directly.


2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 343-367 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew C. Eggers ◽  
Arthur Spirling

This article considers the emergence of an informal institution vital to the functioning of Westminster polities: that the Shadow Cabinet is a ‘government in waiting’. It compares the evidence for two theoretical accounts of its timing: a ‘procedural’ theory wherein the Shadow Cabinet is a solution to internal organizational issues in the House of Commons prior to widespread working-class voting, and a ‘competition’ theory that predicts that suffrage extension acts as a key stimulus for Shadow Cabinet organization. Gathering a dataset of almost a million utterances in parliament between the First and Fourth Reform Acts, the study provides a novel method of identifying Shadow Cabinet members using the surges in term use from their speeches. It finds that the ‘competition’ hypothesis is the most plausible version of events, and that the opposition responded to the new ‘party-orientated electorate’ by strategically reorganizing in a way that mimicked the cabinet’s structure.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 214
Author(s):  
Ali Muhammad ◽  
Andhika Pratiwi ◽  
Ria Herwandar

<p><em>Abstract - </em><strong>This research entitled “Middle Class Rebellion through the Main Characters in Chuck Palahniuk’s Fight Club” analyses the portrayal of the Middle Classes which is depicted through the main characters. These characters are undertaking a Rebellion towards the system of Capitalism that is depicted in the novel Fight Club. The theory used in this research is the theory of the intrinsic element of Characterization by M.H. Abrams and the theory Capitalism by Karl Marx which includes the theory of Alienation and the Struggle of Social Classes. This research focuses on the portrayal of how Middle Classes undertake their Rebellion which is depicted through the main characters in the novel Fight Club by Chuck Palahniuk. This research has found that the two main characters are a depiction of the Middle Class and the Working Class. They rebel against Capitalism by doing small acts of vandalism which escalates into blackmail. The findings are that the real characteristics of modern society of the middle class can be seen  such as consumerism, restless life towards insomnia and workers who identify themselves as not workers.</strong></p><p><strong><em>Keywords - </em></strong><em>Middle Class, Rebellion, Social Class, Marxism, Capitalism</em></p>


1988 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-322 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Calnan

Sociologists appear to differ in the way they portray the public's ideas about modern medicine. Some argue that the public accepts that modern medicine is effective, and others say that as a whole the public is skeptical about its value. There is a dearth of empirical evidence about what the public thinks of modern medicine; this pilot study attempts to fill this gap. Tape-recorded interviews were carried out with small samples of women from Social Classes I and II and Classes IV and V to find out what they felt about the value of modern medicine and to identify the criteria that they used to assess a “good” and “bad” medical practitioner. The results showed that there is some degree of skepticism about the value of modern medicine, particularly amongst working-class people. However, the criteria for assessing the performance of a medical practitioner were only rarely seen to be tied up with the criteria used to assess the value of modern medicine.


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