Dramaturgy and Social Movements: The Social Construction and Communication of Power

1992 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert D. Benford ◽  
Scott A. Hunt
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela Oliver

This paper draws on work in the social construction of race and ethnicity to explain why race/ethnic divisions are so often axes of domination and why these divisions are central to social movements. (1) Ethnic/racial groups are constructed in political processes that are tied to state formation and social movements. Many states (including the United States) have an ethnic/racial bias or footprint in their construction. Ethnic/racial groups that are numerical majorities have an advantage in determining state policies and state actions that advantage dominant groups over subordinate groups, create chains of interrelations that amplify differences in power and privilege, and take actions to prohibit or prevent reparations or redress for these past actions. (2) Network isolation and intergenerational transmission interact with structures of domination to reproduce domination over time. “Ethnicity” matters when ethnic boundaries are relatively sharp, consequential, and highly correlated with domination structures and social networks. Strong “ethnic” boundaries tend to divide societies into majorities and minorities. (3) Dominant groups develop and reproduce cultures of domination that include both hostile and benign paternalistic relations with other groups. Subordinate groups develop and reproduce cultures that intermingle opposition and submission. Collective identities are both imposed from without by the actions of others and asserted from within. Identities and cultural practices are developed collectively within social networks and influenced by the actions and speech of political actors, including social movements. (4) Regardless of whether their goals are group-oriented or issue-oriented, all movements in an ethnically-divided or ethnically-hierarchical society have an “ethnic” dimension in the sense that they draw from or map onto one or more ethnic groups. Movements arising from privileged “ethnic” majorities have different dynamics from movements by disadvantaged “ethnic” minorities or mixed-ethnic movements. Processes of group formation derived from theories of the social construction of ethnicity illuminate other movement-relevant group formation processes, including class formation and political subcultures. Lying at the intersection of the sociology of social movements and the sociology of race and ethnicity, the “ethnic” dimensions are revealed as a lens for understanding the general problems of group and identity formation and collective mobilization that lie at the heart of both areas.Presented at the 2016 meeting of the American Sociological Association. NOTE: The uploaded version is now a preprint of the 2017 published version, which is a substantial revision of the 2016 ASA version.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-40
Author(s):  
Iswandi Syahputra

This article discusses Indonesian cyber society active­ties and its configuration on social media which considered being able to encourage social movements, for instance Defen­ding Islam Action, subsequently well known as ‘Defending Islam Action 212’. This article argues that netizens' activities on social media turned out to involve various class variants and social status and are able to encourage the ' Defending Islam Action’. Moreover, the social formation and activities of netizens on the social media constitute the prospects for the social construction of the cosmopolitan Muslim community in Indonesia. The portrait of Indonesian cosmopolitan Muslim is seen as a cong­re­gation of citizens compelled by their religious awareness, regardless of social, political, economic boundaries and even inter-religiosity which reveres universal principles of humanity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Iswandi Syahputra

This article discusses Indonesian cyber society active­ties and its configuration on social media which considered being able to encourage social movements, for instance Defen­ding Islam Action, subsequently well known as ‘Defending Islam Action 212’. This article argues that netizens' activities on social media turned out to involve various class variants and social status and are able to encourage the ' Defending Islam Action’. Moreover, the social formation and activities of netizens on the social media constitute the prospects for the social construction of the cosmopolitan Muslim community in Indonesia. The portrait of Indonesian cosmopolitan Muslim is seen as a cong­re­gation of citizens compelled by their religious awareness, regardless of social, political, economic boundaries and even inter-religiosity which reveres universal principles of humanity.


2000 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela Oliver ◽  
Hank Johnston

Frame theory is often credited with "bringing ideas back in" social movement studies, but frames are not the only useful ideational concepts. The older, more politicized concept of ideology needs to be used in its own right and not recast as a frame. Frame theory is rooted in linguistic studies of interaction, and points to the way shared assumptions and meanings shape the interpretation of events. Ideology is rooted in politics and the study of politics, and points to coherent systems of ideas which provide theories of society coupled with value commitments and normative implications for promoting or resisting social change. Ideologies can function as frames, they can embrace frames, but there is more to ideology than framing. Frame theory offers a relatively shallow conception of the transmission of political ideas as marketing and resonating, while a recognition of the complexity and depth of ideology points to the social construction processes of thinking, reasoning, educating, and socializing. Social movements can only be understood by linking social psychological and political sociology concepts and traditions, not by trying to rename one group in the language of the other.


2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 186-197
Author(s):  
Alejandro Cerda García

Political dissent, a significant part of any democratic process, must be understood not only as a historical and social construction but also from a structural and relational perspective. Social movements and organizations, especially autonomist indigenous ones, attempt to persuade the public that dissent is a right and a proper form for thinking about the political. The social construction of dissent as a crime not only is promoted by state regimes but also seeks to be accepted, legitimated, and sustained by the society. Socially deconstructing it requires considering the law as a historical production, connecting its analysis to legitimacy, and recognizing its ideological and fictional dimension and the influence of structural conditions such as the organization of production. El disenso político, parte sustancial de todo proceso democrático, requiere ser comprendido como construcción social e histórica y desde una perspectiva estructural y relacional. Organizaciones y movimientos sociales, especialmente los indígenas autonomistas, despliegan acciones para influir en la opinión pública a fin de sostener que disentir es un derecho y una forma idónea de pensar lo político. La construcción social de la disidencia como delito es un proceso que, si bien es impulsado por regímenes estatales, busca ser aceptado, legitimado y sostenido por la sociedad. La tarea de desconstruirlo socialmente requiere considerar el derecho como producto histórico, vincular su análisis a la legitimidad, y reconocer su dimensión ideológica y ficcional y la influencia por condiciones tales como la organización de los procesos de producción.


Author(s):  
Zdzisław Wąsik

At the outset, I discuss selected conceptions of world images put forward by philosophers pertaining to human experience and the social construction of reality. Herewith, I am trying to clarify distinctions between appearances and experiences of things in the world and the abilities of humans to construe worlds beyond words, along with their being-in-world, and experiencing their in-the-world existence. Subsequently, I confront some epistemological theories about the complexity of scientific knowledge of the world and its fragmentary perception in psychophysiological cognition. What is relevant for the theme, I present the methods of the lived-through research in dealing with the ideology of promise or threat expressed by leaders of social movements who offer a hope for better worlds which are not here and not now but can be achieved in the future. Lastly, I submit proposals to approach the relationships between world and reality in their hierarchical ordering and semiotic modeling.


1992 ◽  
Vol 37 (11) ◽  
pp. 1186-1186
Author(s):  
Garth J. O. Fletcher

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