Introduction

The Plunder ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Daniel Unowsky

The introduction offers an overview of the geographical and chronological scope of the violence before setting these events within existing scholarship on antisemitism, Habsburg and Polish history, and the history of violence in central Europe around 1900. Although these events have been largely overshadowed by more deadly examples of anti-Jewish violence before and after World War I, the 1898 riots constituted the most extensive anti-Jewish attacks in the Habsburg state in the post-1867 constitutional era. The 1898 Galician violence challenged the image of Austria-Hungary as a Rechtsstaat, a state governed by the rule of law. The introduction includes chapter previews.

Author(s):  
John J. W. Rogers ◽  
M. Santosh

Alfred Wegener never set out to be a geologist. With an education in meteorology and astronomy, his career seemed clear when he was appointed Lecturer in those subjects at the University of Marburg, Germany. It wasn’t until 1912, when Wegener was 32, that he published a paper titled “Die Entstehung der Kontinente” (The origin of the continents) in a recently founded journal called Geologische Rundschau. This meteorologist had just fired the opening shot in a revolution that would change the way that geologists thought about the earth. In a series of publications and talks both before and after World War I, Wegener pressed the idea that continents moved around the earth independently of each other and that the present continents resulted from the splitting of a large landmass (we now call it a “supercontinent”) that previously contained all of the world’s continents. After splitting, they moved to their current positions, closing oceans in front of them and opening new oceans behind them. Wegener and his supporters referred to this process as “continental drift.” The proposal that continents moved around the earth led to a series of investigations and ideas that occupied much of the 20th century. They are now grouped as a set of concepts known as “plate tectonics.” We begin this chapter with an investigation of the history of this development, starting with ideas that preceded Wegener’s proposal. This is followed by a section that describes the reactions of different geologists to the idea of continental drift, including some comments that demonstrate the rancorous nature of the debate. The next section discusses developments between Wegener’s proposal and 1960, when Harry Hess suggested that the history of modern ocean basins is consistent with the concept of drifting continents. We finish the chapter with a brief description of seafloor spreading and leave a survey of plate tectonics to chapter 2. Although Wegener is credited with first proposing continental drift, some tenuous suggestions had already been made. We summarize some of this early history from LeGrand (1988).


2012 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 209-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vaughan Lowe

The title of this article1 is drawn from Sir Hersch Lauterpacht's famous monograph, published in 1933, entitled The Function of Law in the International Community.2 Writing in a decade when the shattering effects of the physical destruction wrought by World War I were giving way to the debilitating effects of the Great Depression, and when the invasions of Manchuria and Abyssinia would sit side-by-side with the rise of Fascism in Germany and the great Stalinist terror in Russia, Lauterpacht was, not unnaturally, seeking a better way to a peaceful future under the Rule of Law. At that time, the recently established International Court in The Hague was dealing with acutely political cases, such as the question of the compatibility of the Austro-German Customs Union with the post-war peace settlement;3 and the cool rationality of debate in the Peace Palace seemed to offer a better way.


2005 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 198-207
Author(s):  
M. Mark Stolarik

Paul robert magocsi has written a thought-provoking essay on the role of North American political diasporas from east central Europe before and after the seminal years of 1918 and 1989. While he showed that the pre-1918 diasporas had a major impact on the future of east central Europe during and after World War I, he found very little evidence of a similar impact before and after 1989. He suggested that we look closely at 1989 to see what, if any, impact such diasporas had at the end of the twentieth century.


2016 ◽  
Vol 47 ◽  
pp. 167-187
Author(s):  
Matthew Rampley

The artistic and cultural life of Austria after World War I has often been presented in a gloomy light. As one contributor to a recent multivolume history of Austrian art commented, “the era between the two world wars is for long periods a time of indecision and fragmentation, of stagnation and loss of orientation … the 20 years of the First Republic of 1918–1938 did not provide a unified or convincing image.” For many this sense of disorientation and stagnation is symbolized poignantly by the deaths in 1918 of three leading creative figures of the modern period, Otto Wagner, Gustav Klimt, and Egon Schiele, two of whom succumbed to the influenza epidemic of that year. According to this view, war not only led to the collapse of the Habsburg monarchy (and a dramatic political caesura), it also caused or, at the very least coincided with, a profound interruption to artistic life and brought Vienna's cultural preeminence in central Europe to an end. The inhabitants of the newly constituted Austrian Republic were forced to contend with significant challenges as to how they might relate to the recent past. On the one hand, some—including, most famously, Stefan Zweig—sought refuge in a twilight world of nostalgic memory; others, such as Adolf Loos, used the events of 1918 as the opportunity to advance a distinctively modernist agenda that sought to create maximum distance from the Habsburg monarchy.


2009 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christiane Reinecke

SummaryIn the history of immigration control, the period from the 1880s to the 1920s saw an international dynamic of growing restrictions. World War I in particular has been regarded as watershed marking the end of laissez-faire migration policy. But whether 1914 can be seen as a crucial turning point depends on the country under consideration, as well as on the chosen analytical approach. Analysing Britain’s politics of immigration control before and after the war and comparing it with its Prussian equivalent, this article discusses the shifts and continuities in the concrete administration of migration. Focusing on the changing practice of expelling foreigners, it suggests a chronology of control that does not entirely correspond with the overall political changes. By 1918, the British bureaucracy possessed elaborate means to monitor aliens, and the state increasingly impacted on the migrants’ lives. In contrast, Prussia was maintaining a tightly regulated regime already, which its authorities had established well before 1914.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 428-463 ◽  
Author(s):  
Devin O. Pendas

The Nuremberg Trial may well be the most famous trial of the twentieth century, which is as it should be. After all, the Nuremberg Trial, while perhaps not as unprecedented as is frequently assumed, did mark a decisive turning point in the history of international law. It marked the first broadly successful attempt to impose the rule of law not just on the conduct of war but also, in a limited way, on domestic atrocities as well. The fame of this single trial has had the unfortunate side-effect of overshadowing the literally thousands of other Nazi trials that took place after World War II, however. These additional trials can be divided into three categories: those that took place in the domestic courts of victim nations, those that took place in occupation courts, and, perhaps least well-known, those that took place inGermancourts.


2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 9-28
Author(s):  
Michał Urbańczyk

VIVERE EST COGITARE. SKETCH ON THE ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENTS OF PROFESSOR MARIA ZMIERCZAK The aim of the paper is presentation of the most significant scientific interests of a full pro­fessor and post-doctorate degree Maria Zmierczak, reputed and prominent scholar of history of political and legal doctrines, for many years head of the Chair of Political and Legal Doctrines and Philosophy on the Faculty of Law and Administration at Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań.The scientific interests of Professor Maria Zmierczak include the classical political doctrines of 19th and 20th century and chosen legal doctrines of 20th century. Among the first ones the most compelling is the research on history and the evolution of liberalism and the study on totalitarianism and fascism. The other issues analyzed by Professor Maria Zmierczak consist of the research on the Renaissance of the natural law after the Second World War and the study on the rule of law.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-128
Author(s):  
Kathleen Antonioli

This article argues that French novelist Sidonie-Gabrielle Colette occupies a central position in the canon of French women’s writing, and that from this position her reception was deeply influential in the development of the myth of French singularity. After World War I, a style of femininity associated with Colette (natural, instinctive, antirational) became more largely synonymous with good French women’s writing, and writers who did not correspond to the “genre Colette” were excluded from narratives of the history of French women’s writing. Characteristics associated with Colette’s writing did not shift drastically before and after the war, but, in the wake of the Great War, these characteristics were nationalized and became French.


David Ben-Gurion (b. 1886–d. 1973) was probably the most important figure in the history of modern Israel, if only for the fact that he proclaimed the independence of Israel on 14 May 1948 and led it for the next fifteen years. He was also the most prolific writer among Israel’s leaders, leaving behind a vast literature covering the history of Zionism and the events leading to and following Israel’s independence. He was born in Plonsk, Poland, in 1886 to a middle-class Jewish family. From an early age he studied Hebrew and was drawn to socialism and Zionism, a commitment that became more intense following the anti-Jewish pogroms in 1903. He immigrated to Palestine, then part of the Ottoman Empire, in 1906, and worked as an agricultural laborer for several months before moving to Jerusalem to become an activist and workers’ organizer. In 1906 he was among the founders of the Poale Zion party and edited its newspaper. In 1912 he went to Istanbul to study law, but illness and the outbreak of World War I ended his academic career and he returned to Palestine only to be expelled by the Ottoman regime. From 1915 to 1918 he lived in America, lecturing, writing, and recruiting for his party. In 1918 he married Paula Munvez and joined the Jewish Legion, which brought him back to Palestine. After the war, he continued his political activities in the labor movement and in 1920 became the first secretary general of the Federation of Labor (Histadrut), of which he was one of the founders, a position he held for ten years. In 1930 he was one of the founders and became the leader of the Mapai party, which was the ruling party in the country from 1930 until 1977. In 1933 he was elected to the Zionist Executive and in 1935 became the chairman of the Jewish Agency Executive, the central institute of the Jewish community of Palestine until 1948. In that capacity he led the Jewish community of Palestine (known as the Yishuv) during the Second World War, and was one of the framers of the 1942 Biltmore Program that called for the creation of a Jewish Commonwealth. From 1945 to 1948 he led the struggle for independence that culminated in the adoption in November 1947 of the United Nations Partition Plan that divided Palestine into Arab and Jewish states. He headed the Provisional State Government and in that capacity proclaimed the independence of Israel on 14 May 1948 and led the country in its War of Independence. He became Israel’s first prime minister as well as defense minister and served in that capacity from 1948 to 1953 and from 1955 to 1963. During those years he was responsible for building the Israel Defense Forces, insisting on unlimited immigration, and adopting basic laws such as the Law of Return, Civil Service Commission Law, State Comptroller Law, Security Service Law, and Free and Compulsory Education Law. He led Israel in the 1956 Sinai War and established close ties with France and the Federal Republic of Germany. He resigned in 1963 over differences with his colleagues on how to govern Israel. In 1965 he split from the Mapai party and created the short lived Rafi party, which gained ten seats in the Knesset that year. In 1969 he retired from politics and devoted his time to writing. He died in 1973 and is buried next to his wife in his Kibbutz Sede Boker in the Negev desert.


Author(s):  
Odile Moreau

This chapter explores movement and circulation across the Mediterranean and seeks to contribute to a history of proto-nationalism in the Maghrib and the Middle East at a particular moment prior to World War I. The discussion is particularly concerned with the interface of two Mediterranean spaces: the Middle East (Egypt, Ottoman Empire) and North Africa (Morocco), where the latter is viewed as a case study where resistance movements sought external allies as a way of compensating for their internal weakness. Applying methods developed by Subaltern Studies, and linking macro-historical approaches, namely of a translocal movement in the Muslim Mediterranean, it explores how the Egypt-based society, al-Ittihad al-Maghribi, through its agent, Aref Taher, used the press as an instrument for political propaganda, promoting its Pan-Islamic programme and its goal of uniting North Africa.


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