Refugees, IDPs and the Responsibility to Protect (R2P): The Case of Darfur

2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Adelman

AbstractDuring the first decade of the twenty-first century, a campaign developed and succeeded in establishing a new doctrine in international affairs called the 'Responsibility to Protect' which had a prevention and a rehabilitation dimension but was mostly focused on the rights and responsibilities of states to intervene in the domestic affairs of other states when the latter failed to protect their citizens from mass atrocities. Movements grew up around the doctrine to publicise it, analyse it, and ensure its implementation. An example of the latter is W2I, the 'Will to Intervene' which, unlike R2P, did not require UN authorisation for intervention as part of its platform. A key test of the doctrine was Darfur. Yet the study of the case indicates no likelihood of intervention even under the Obama regime that was committed to doing something about Darfur and has put multilateralism at the forefront of its foreign policy. The report concludes by contrasting the huge discrepancy between the rhetorical success in the adoption of R2P as an international norm and the absence of practices consistent with that sweeping victory. The paper suggests that advances in international norms are best indicated, not by the endorsement of general principles, but by the development of actual practices on the ground.

Author(s):  
Joseph S. Nye

This chapter examines US foreign policy as ‘smart power’, a combnation of hard and soft power, in the twenty-first century. The beginning of the twenty-first century saw George W. Bush place a strong emphasis on hard power, as exemplifed by the invasion and occupation of Iraq. This was evident after 9/11. While the war in Iraq showcased America’s hard military power that removed a tyrant, it failed to resolve US vulnerability to terrorism; on the contrary, it may have increased it. The chapter first considers the Obama administration’s reference to its foreign policy as ‘smart power’ before discussing Donald Trump’s ‘America First’ policy, the role of power in a global information age, soft power in US foreign policy, and how public diplomacy has been incorporated into US foreign policy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 76 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-39
Author(s):  
Arijit Mazumdar

In recent years, several countries have made sustained efforts to project their ‘soft power’ abroad. Public diplomacy has been an important tool for this purpose. Public diplomacy involves activities usually undertaken by a national government to inform and influence foreign public opinion and attitudes in order to advance its foreign policy goals. Such activities include ‘nation-branding’, diaspora outreach, digital engagement, international broadcasting, and international exchange programmes, all of which are designed to promote a positive image and reputation of the country to a global audience. This paper discusses the role of public diplomacy in the service of India’s foreign policy goals during the twenty-first century. The practice of public diplomacy helps the country achieve two significant objectives. First, it helps allay any active or dormant fears within the international community about India as a rising power. Second, it helps India compete with other countries as it seeks to boost foreign tourist arrivals, attract foreign investment and secure new markets for its exports in an era of globalisation. This paper also briefly discusses some of the challenges associated with India’s use of public diplomacy.


2019 ◽  
pp. 223-248 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugenio Cusumano

The Conclusion examines the nature and scope of diplomatic security policies worldwide, the factors underlying their variations, their effectiveness in securing diplomats, and their implications for the conduct of diplomacy. It provides novel insights into the study of security and diplomacy alike. Most notably, it underscores the importance of organizational interests and cultures in shaping protective arrangements, conceptualizes diplomatic inviolability as an international norm, and posits the existence of a trade-off between effective diplomacy and effective diplomatic security. Arguing that diplomacy in a traditional sense has partly lost its importance has become commonplace. States’ reluctance to close missions in dangerous locations, arguably the most effective security policy available, vindicates the enduring importance of traditional, face-to-face diplomacy in the twenty-first century.


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