The Gulf Looks East

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 149-165
Author(s):  
Geoffrey F. Gresh

The United States must now confront a new and emerging dynamic as most Gulf Cooperation Council countries have begun to increasingly diversify their political, economic, and security partnerships to include China. For Gulf Arab monarchies, the choice of security or economic partner is made more complicated by increased domestic and regional instability stemming in part from Iraq, Syria, and Iran. Understanding the shifting economic and political alliances is vitally important for understanding the future of regional security and politics. This article examines Gulf Arab national security—particularly through the case of Saudi Arabia—and how the Gulf monarchies have increasingly bolstered their economic and political partnerships with China in recent years due in part to widespread anti-U.S. sentiment and the threat of domestic upheaval. It looks specifically at how Gulf national security can be shaped by internal versus external threats and what this means for the future of regional security.

Refuge ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-13
Author(s):  
Emily C. Barry-Murphy ◽  
Max Stephenson Jr.

United States law charges America’s asylum officers with providing humanitarian protection for refugees while simultaneously securing the nation from external threats. This mandate requires that asylum officers balance potentially conflicting claims as they seek to ensure just treatment of claimants. This article explores how officers charged with that responsibility can develop a regime-centred subjectivity that often conditions them to view applicants with fraud and security concerns foremost in mind. This analysis also examines the potential efficacy of practical strategies linked to aesthetic, cognitive, affective, and moral imagination that may allow officials to become more aware of their statecentred subjectivity and how it influences their perceptions of threats to national security and to fraud. This analysis encourages adjudication officers to strive for a more nuanced understanding of what constitutes fraud and national security concerns and what are instead presuppositions created by the United States population-protection agenda.


Author(s):  
Georg Löfflmann

The chapter focuses on popular culture as key site for the production of constructs of geopolitical identity and practices of national security as common sense knowledge and conventional wisdom, examining popular Hollywood movies of the ‘national security cinema’ and the involvement of the Pentagon in the filmmaking process. Representations of geopolitical identity and national security are analyzed in some of the commercially most successful films in the United States released between 2009 and 2015. The chapter’s analysis testifies to the enduring popularity of key ideational themes and mythologies, such as American exceptionalism, military heroism, and external threats endangering the existence of the United States, its interests and values under the Obama presidency. The serial reproduction of these national security narratives, realized in multi-million dollar film productions, illustrates the cross-discursive leverage of American hegemony over alternative formulations of grand strategy under the Obama presidency and the popularity of a particular national security imagery of American geopolitical identity.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (9) ◽  
pp. 1013
Author(s):  
Linnea B. McCord ◽  
Terry Young ◽  
Peggy J. Crawford

To be successful and remain independent, every country must create a prosperous economy, keep peace among its people, maintain political stability, and ensure the security of the people and the country from internal and external threats. Doing all four at the same time is never easy and in a time of economic volatility, change, and uncertainty juggling all four becomes more difficult. This is when countries enter the danger zone where hidden cracks and fissures in a countrys organization and structure could become destabilizing. In this paper we will compare the challenges and prospects for the United States and China as both countries enter the danger zone. The purpose of this paper is to examine how each countrys unique attributes are likely to impact its ability to succeed. We will examine their political, economic and legal systems to determine the strengths and weaknesses of each. We will also assess the role of corruption in each society. Both the United States and China have serious economic, social, political and security issues on the horizon. To solve the problems will require serious sacrifices and pain for a large portion of the populations in both countries. Which form of government will best be able to adapt quickly to the constantly changing environment? Will a serious economic slowdown topple the Communist dictatorship in China? Will gridlock and distrust in the U.S. prevent Americans from adapting fast enough to make the necessary changes in time to save its financial system and economy? Time will tell.


Significance Obama will seek to gain their support for a final deal on Iran's nuclear programme and reassure them that the United States remains committed to regional security. This is likely to fall short of Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) leaders' expectations that the summit will formalise and deepen US security commitments in the Gulf. Moreover, Gulf rulers remain convinced that Iran has continued to spread its influence across the region, and they will resist any US attempt to narrow the focus of the summit onto the benefits of a nuclear agreement alone. Impacts GCC distrust of Iranian objectives and US policies in the region means they will develop more assertive approaches to regional security. Any normalisation of international policy on Iran following a final nuclear agreement will test GCC cohesion. United States faces inking Iran deal without support of any of its regional allies, Israel and the Gulf. Oman, Qatar and Dubai will move swiftly to build closer economic and commercial ties with Iran.


2003 ◽  
Vol 102 (661) ◽  
pp. 77-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arlene B. Tickner

The worldview that has molded Washington's twin wars on drugs and terrorism constitutes an extremely narrow framework through which to address the complex problems Colombia faces. National security, defined exclusively in military terms, has taken precedence over equally significant political, economic, and social considerations.


The United States Supreme Court made a landmark decision in the Pentagon Papers case in 1971, concerning how government should balance its legitimate need to conduct its operations—especially those related to national security—in secret, with the public’s right and responsibility to know what its government is doing. The Pentagon Papers decision, though, left many important questions still unresolved and the circumstances that undergirded the system initiated by the decision have changed fundamentally in recent decades. Difficult problems call for a range of different perspectives. In this book, Lee C. Bollinger and Geoffrey R. Stone gather an array of remarkable, wise, and accomplished individuals to share their deep and broad expertise in the national security world, journalism, and academia. Each essay delves into important dimensions of the current system to explain how we should think about them, and to offer as many solutions as possible. A rigorous and serious analysis, this volume examines the incredibly complex and important issues that our nation must continue to address and strive to resolve as we move into the future.


2007 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 345-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fred Lawson

AbstractPolicies adopted by Syria, Hizbullah, and Israel have generated a major transformation in the Israel-Palestinian regional security complex. In the months after the United States-led overthrow of the Ba'thi regime in Iraq in March 2003, each of these three leaderships confronted a severe domestic political-economic crisis, and reacted to the crisis in ways that not only heightened the potential for conflict in regional affairs but also transformed the regional security complex into a more extensive constellation of alliances and adversarial relations.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 17-24
Author(s):  
Stephen M. Millett

Purpose – To further a dialog about the future of opportunities in America, this exercise imagines what life would be like in four alternative possibilities, or scenarios, emerging from now to the year 2035. Design/methodology/approach – The logical basis for these four possible futures is that technological, political, economic and social factors – and the decisions of voters and their leaders–will result in either many or few opportunities which will be available to many or few players. Findings – The central question is what scenario do we really want to live in and what decisions need to be taken to increase its likelihood of occurring? Conversely, which future is the most undesirable and what can we do to prevent it? Practical implications – The scenarios illuminate the choices that need to be explored now to better anticipate and react to the challenges of the future. Originality/value – By selecting just two ranges of conditions–opportunity and participation–the author is able to imagine futures that have elements of utopia and dystopia.


Author(s):  
O. G. Paramonov

Nowadays military-technical cooperation is considered by many states as one of the effective tools for ensuring national security, as well as accomplishing a broader range of foreign policy objectives. Under a crisis of regional security environment, the Japanese government also concluded that further refusal to participate in international cooperation in the development and production of weapons begins to negatively affect its own defense capabilities. Nevertheless, Shinzo Abe-led Government’s plans to put an end to Japan’s self-isolation from external arms markets and thus strengthen relations with the United States in the military-and political fields are likely to lead to certain problems in Japan’s relations with such powerful regional actors as Russia and China.


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