From Nasser to al-Sīsī

2021 ◽  
Vol 101 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-114
Author(s):  
Elad Giladi
Keyword(s):  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
Children's Magazines ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Harsh Criticism ◽  
Society Today

Abstract After the events of June 30 and July 3, 2013, that brought the Muslim Brotherhood rule to an end, Egyptian President ʿAbd al-Fattāḥ al-Sīsī has been carried aloft on waves of adulation of most of the Egyptian people. This phenomenon was reflected in popular expressions and in the Egyptian media, and any criticism of it was minimal. Interestingly, it was the portrayal of al-Sīsī in a children’s magazine, Samīr (February 1, 2014), that generated vocal public debate on issues of the exposure of children to political content and their indoctrination. This article examines why this case provoked such harsh criticism even though political content and indoctrination in children’s magazines are not a new phenomenon in Egypt but rather a continuation of past traditions, and discusses what insights can be gleaned from the affair with regard to Egyptian society today.

The Dynamics of Egypt’s “Semi-opposition,” 2004–11

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 83-103
Author(s):  
Mai Mogib Mosad
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Political System ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Relationship

This paper maps the basic opposition groups that influenced the Egyptian political system in the last years of Hosni Mubarak’s rule. It approaches the nature of the relationship between the system and the opposition through use of the concept of “semi-opposition.” An examination and evaluation of the opposition groups shows the extent to which the regime—in order to appear that it was opening the public sphere to the opposition—had channels of communication with the Muslim Brotherhood. The paper also shows the system’s relations with other groups, such as “Kifaya” and “April 6”; it then explains the reasons behind the success of the Muslim Brotherhood at seizing power after the ousting of President Mubarak.

Grievances against the Morsi Government

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kira D. Jumet
Keyword(s):  
Sexual Harassment ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Interview Data ◽  
Political Appointments ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Political Economic

This chapter outlines the individual grievances arising from political, economic, social, and religious conditions under the government of Mohamed Morsi that became the foundations of opposition to his rule. It focuses on democracy in Egypt, the 2012 presidential elections, and the expectations and promises put forth by Morsi. The chapter also covers popular perceptions of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Freedom and Justice Party, grievances surrounding electricity and gas, security and sexual harassment, Morsi’s speeches and representation of Egypt on the international stage, and Morsi’s political appointments. The chapter relies on interview data and fieldwork conducted in Egypt during the year of Morsi’s presidency.

scholarly journals Islamist Women as Candidates in Elections: A Comparison of the Party of Justice and Development in Morocco and the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt

2017 ◽  
Vol 57 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 329-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarína Škrabáková
Keyword(s):  
Supply And Demand ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Candidate Selection ◽  
Demand Model ◽  
Mena Region ◽  
External Interference ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Supply And Demand Model ◽  
The Impact

This paper examines the legislative recruitment of women from conservative Islamist parties. It questions the common assumption that generally all Islamist parties are equally hostile to political participation and representation of women. For this purpose, two of the electorally most successful Islamist groups in the MENA region are compared, namely the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (MB) and its Moroccan offshoot, the Party of Justice and Development (PJD). The article seeks an explanation for diverging trends in female candidacy between these conservative religious movements, using the traditional supply and demand model of candidate selection. It argues that the less centralized and the more institutionalized parties (as is the case with the PJD) seem to be better equipped to facilitate women’s candidacy than the more oligarchic ones (the MB). In order to fully grasp the reasons behind the diverging trends in the nomination of female candidates from both Islamist parties, cultural factors are scrutinized as well. The article highlights the limits of the supply and demand model of candidate selection, which cannot explain instances of unexpected change in recruitment strategies based on external interference. Furthermore, it does not provide us the means to assess the impact of individual candidates’ ‘feminist credentials’ on overall female representation.


An Attempt to Prosecute: The Muslim Brotherhood’s Communication to the International Criminal Court Relating to the Alleged Crimes in Egypt

2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 733-762
Author(s):  
Hossam ElDeeb
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
International Criminal Court ◽  
Justice System ◽  
Rome Statute ◽  
International Criminal ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Criminal Court ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
Legal Position ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood

The article analyses a communication submitted by the Muslim Brotherhood group (mb) to the International Criminal Court (icc) relating to alleged crimes in Egypt. After the ousting of Morsi, hundreds of Morsi supporters were killed during the dispersal of two sit-in camps. The mb lawyers argued that the ousted, Morsi, is still the legitimate president of Egypt and hence can accept the Court’s jurisdiction pursuant to Article 12(3) of the Rome Statute. It is argued that such controversial communications submitted to the Court have serious implications other than the intended purpose of communications. The article briefly reviews the situation of Egypt’s criminal justice system in relation to the alleged crimes and the legal position of the mb, then analyses the scope of Article 12(3) before it critically argues that the communication submitted to the icc was for political gain and the Court should restrain itself from entering into political debates.

The Role of the Muslim Brotherhood In the Syrian Civil War

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 48-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yehuda U. Blanga
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Syrian Civil War ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood

scholarly journals From Rebellion to Riots

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-114
Author(s):  
Nasser Tolba
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Student Protests ◽  
Violent Behaviors ◽  
Underlying Causes ◽  
The Muslim Brotherhood ◽  
Effects Of Violence ◽  
The University ◽  
Forms Of Violence

This article aims to explore the phenomenon of political violence at Egyptian universities after the downfall of the Muslim Brotherhood regime on June 30, 2013.  It is a critical analysis to identify the underlying causes and factors leading to this excessive violence and its impact on the Egyptian universities.  The article drew on qualitative methods by interviewing 16 Muslim Brotherhood students from four public universities.  The results indicate that frustration, injustice, the collapse of democracy, and interference of the security in universities played an initial role in the students’ violent behaviors.  The forms of violence varied from clashes, throwing stones, and destroying university facilities and infrastructure.  The effects of violence on the university were large such as, cancelling study several times, eliminating student political and cultural activities, infrastructure losses, and many arrests, injuries and victims between students and staff.  Keywords: 30 June events 2013, political violence, Egypt revolution, student protests.       G M T   Sprache erkennen Afrikaans Albanisch Arabisch Armenisch Aserbaidschanisch Baskisch Bengalisch Bosnisch Bulgarisch Burmesisch Cebuano Chichewa Chinesisch (ver) Chinesisch (trad) Dänisch Deutsch Englisch Esperanto Estnisch Finnisch Französisch Galizisch Georgisch Griechisch Gujarati Haitianisch Hausa Hebräisch Hindi Hmong Igbo Indonesisch Irisch Isländisch Italienisch Japanisch Javanesisch Jiddisch Kannada Kasachisch Katalanisch Khmer Koreanisch Kroatisch Lao Lateinish Lettisch Litauisch Malabarisch Malagasy Malaysisch Maltesisch Maori Marathisch Mazedonisch Mongolisch Nepalesisch Niederländisch Norwegisch Persisch Polnisch Portugiesisch Punjabi Rumänisch Russisch Schwedisch Serbisch Sesotho Singhalesisch Slowakisch Slowenisch Somali Spanisch Suaheli Sundanesisch Tadschikisch Tagalog Tamil Telugu Thailändisch Tschechisch Türkisch Ukrainisch Ungarisch Urdu Uzbekisch Vietnamesisch Walisisch Weißrussisch Yoruba Zulu   Afrikaans Albanisch Arabisch Armenisch Aserbaidschanisch Baskisch Bengalisch Bosnisch Bulgarisch Burmesisch Cebuano Chichewa Chinesisch (ver) Chinesisch (trad) Dänisch Deutsch Englisch Esperanto Estnisch Finnisch Französisch Galizisch Georgisch Griechisch Gujarati Haitianisch Hausa Hebräisch Hindi Hmong Igbo Indonesisch Irisch Isländisch Italienisch Japanisch Javanesisch Jiddisch Kannada Kasachisch Katalanisch Khmer Koreanisch Kroatisch Lao Lateinish Lettisch Litauisch Malabarisch Malagasy Malaysisch Maltesisch Maori Marathisch Mazedonisch Mongolisch Nepalesisch Niederländisch Norwegisch Persisch Polnisch Portugiesisch Punjabi Rumänisch Russisch Schwedisch Serbisch Sesotho Singhalesisch Slowakisch Slowenisch Somali Spanisch Suaheli Sundanesisch Tadschikisch Tagalog Tamil Telugu Thailändisch Tschechisch Türkisch Ukrainisch Ungarisch Urdu Uzbekisch Vietnamesisch Walisisch Weißrussisch Yoruba Zulu                 Die Sound-Funktion ist auf 200 Zeichen begrenzt     Optionen : Geschichte : Feedback : Donate Schließen

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