Between Institutional Exclusion and Inclusion: Comparing Old and New Chinese Immigrants in South Korea (制度的排斥與包容:在韓國的舊華僑和新華僑之比較)

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-277 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claire Seungeun Lee (李承恩)

This article explores three Chinese immigrant groups in South Korea. South Korean society characterizes itself with a long-held traditional myth of being a homogenous society. Two waves of migrants from China, however, challenged this myth. The earlier wave took place in the late 19thcentury. The recent, new, wave of Chinese migration took place in the last three decades and coincidently right before and after the normalization of relations between the People’s Republic of China (prc) and South Korea in 1992. Due to the rise of China and the changing dynamics of inter-Asian migration, new migrants from theprcsince the 1990s have changed the demographic composition of foreign citizens in Korea.These new migrants from theprcare mostly ethnic Han (prcChinese), but some are ethnic Korean (Korean Chinese) who holdprccitizenship. Most previous studies have focused on either old (earlier) Chinese immigrants or new (later) Chinese immigrants separately. This paper, in contrast, comparatively investigates these groups utilizing statistics and secondhand source data. This study contends that the mechanisms of institutional exclusion and inclusion in Korean immigration policies, put forward by the policies’ citizenship, legal and economic aspects, produce both new multiculturalism and ethnonationalism. This paper also contends that mechanisms of institutional exclusion and inclusion are a result of the interplay between citizenship and ethnicity.本文對韓國華僑(“舊華僑”)、持中國國籍的中國大陸漢族和朝鮮族(“新華僑”)進行比較。長久以來,在韓國社會裡“單一民族”一直是一個很普遍的傳統現象。但兩波從中國到韓國的華人華僑移民潮卻反駁此現象。早期的移民潮發生在十九世紀末,在此期間移居到韓國的華人一般稱之為韓國華僑(簡稱為“韓華”)。最近這一波新移民潮則是發生在最近30多年,恰好是在發生在中華人民共和國和韓國建交的一九九二年前後。從一九九零年代開始,因中國崛起和亞洲移民的動態變化帶動的中國“新”移民到了韓國,也改變了在韓國社會裡外國剬民的國籍與種族結構。這些來自中國的新移民大部分都是漢族(簡稱為“漢族”),有些則是朝鮮族,這兩個不同的民族都持有中華人民共和國的國籍。已經有許多研究關注移居韓國的華人,但比較不同時代移居至韓國的華人的討論卻非常少見。這個研究便以統計和二手資料為主,特別針對這些在不同時期來到韓國的華人進行比較。本論文分析了在韓國移民政策裡頭制度排斥和包容的機制,筆者分析了這些政策裡的剬民權、法律和經濟等不同層面,發現韓國的一系列移民政策造成了新的多文化主義和民族國家主義。此外,本研究也發現產生制度排斥和包容機制是剬民權和種族性之間的相互作用的結果。 (This article is in English).

Author(s):  
Chung-In Moon

This chapter looks at South Korea's response to the rise of China. It establishes South Korea's growing dependence on the Chinese economy and its growing cooperation with China to manage North Korean belligerence. The rise of China creates strategic pressure on South Korea both to accommodate Chinese interests and to maintain defense cooperation with the United States, and that this policy challenge is exacerbated by politically significant anti-Japanese nationalism in South Korea. The result has been significant South Korean policy instability. The policy swings in South Korea's maneuvering between the United States and China from the government of Roh Moo-hyun to that of Lee Myung-bak and then to Park Geun-hye reveal the difficulty that great power competition during a power transition imposes on a small country.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Hough ◽  
Markus Bell

This article draws on the public testimonies of North Koreans living in South Korea (t’albungmin) and analyzes the role that these narratives play in South Korean society as mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion. North and South Korea technically remain at war, with South Korea claiming sovereignty over the entire Korean peninsula. While t’albungmin are eligible for South Korean citizenship, they describe feeling excluded from full social membership. Although some t’albungmin seek anonymity, this paper considers those who gain social status by speaking publicly about their lives and denouncing the North Korean regime. In so doing, they distance themselves from North Korea and align themselves with the “good” discourse of human rights. However, their actions reinforce a logic of exclusion, implying that t’albungmin who prefer anonymity are “sympathizers,” and consequently restricting their access to social benefits and resources. This case of conditional inclusion illuminates tensions that arise when a sovereignty claim entails the incorporation of people from an enemy state. It also highlights the carefully delineated boundaries of publicly acceptable behavior within which “suspect” citizens must remain as a condition for positive recognition.


2006 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrei Lankov

This article deals with the problems of North Korean defectors currently living in South Korea. In the past, most such defectors came from privileged groups in the North Korean population, and their adjustment to the new environment did not pose a significant problem. However, from the mid-1990s, defectors began to come from the far less privileged groups. They experience serious problems related to jobs, education, crime, and social adjustment. Recent years have seen a dramatic but not always openly stated change in the official South Korean attitude toward defectors: from a policy explicitly aimed at encouraging defection, Seoul has moved to the policy of quietly discouraging it. There are fears that encouraging defection will undermine the policy of peaceful engagement with the North. There is also the perception that refugees are outsiders, not quite adjustable to the conditions of South Korean society and thus a social and budgetary burden.


2008 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 323-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elise Prébin

AbstractToday, international adoptees are welcomed to South Korea by the government, adoption agencies and different associations. These institutions organise educational programmes called 'cultural programmes'. Relatively cheap, these programmes generally include a tour of South Korea, visits to welfare facilities, and classes related to Korean culture: music, language, history, cuisine, martial arts. International adoptees are seen as Koreans of the diaspora, and as such need re-education to discover their true identity. When they return to their adoptive countries, they will be able to represent their birth country accurately and therefore contribute to Korea's successful globalisation. However, what is at stake in these programmes is less political and economical than social. I argue that most of the activities can be viewed as rites of passage and that the entire programme is constructed according to that logic. As a problematic category, international adoptees must be redefined by ritualised actions inside South Korean society. Recent studies considered these ceremonies as mock rituals; however, this article aims to show that these rituals have a valid purpose although they lead not to integration but to separation: defining the diaspora continues to rely on defining what is outside the national territory.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 259-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
Woo Chang Kang ◽  
Ji Yeon Hong

AbstractIn this paper, we examine the extent to which wartime violence against civilians during the Korean War affects people's current attitudes toward South Korea and other involved countries. Using a difference-in-differences (DID) approach that compares the cohorts born before and after the war, we find that direct exposure to wartime violence induces negative perceptions regarding perpetrator countries. As many of the civilian massacres were committed by the South Korean armed forces, prewar cohorts living in violence-ridden areas during the war demonstrate significantly less pride in South Korea today. In contrast, postwar cohorts from those violent areas, who were exposed to intensive anti-communist campaigns and were incentivized to differentiate themselves from the victims, show significantly greater pride in South Korea, and greater hospitality toward the United States than toward North Korea, compared to prewar cohorts in the same areas and to the same cohorts born in non-violent areas.


2011 ◽  
Vol 18 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 274-294
Author(s):  
Jooyoung Lee

AbstractThis article asks why the disciplines of American Studies and U.S. history are so markedly underdeveloped in South Korea (Republic of Korea) and what this underdevelopment implies about U.S.-South Korean relations. Under Japanese colonial rule, the study of English in Korea was important for studying abroad, but few students studied America itself. Under American occupation and the following military rule in South Korea, American studies were not attractive to nationalist youth even though the English language remained useful. American cultural diplomacy fostered a small group of Americanists, but university enrollments were small. In the 1980s, Americans were blamed for their support of authoritarian rule. Japanese-trained historians saw American history as too short to be significant, and Japanese institutional legacies were an obstacle. Americans have also been too constricted in imagining who Koreans were, where Korean ambitions lay, and how Korean society worked. In a sense, the very differences between the two nations hindered them from realizing what those differences were.


Author(s):  
Jennifer Gracellia

<p>The issue of comfort women that has occured since 1932 continues to impact bilateral relations between Japan dan South Korea. Various efforts have been made by two countries to deal with this issue, one of which is the agreement in 2015 that stating the comfort women issue has been completed and this agreement cannot be canceled. Instead of solving the problem, this agreement marked as the beginning of a worsening relation between the two countries. Poor relations led to several implications which then became a new problem to Japan and South Korea relations. This research finds that the comfort women issue has given three implications for the relations between Japan and South Korea. First is the Japan-South Korea Trade War in 2019, second is the withdrawal of South Korea from General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) and the last is the boycott of Japanese products conducted by South Korean society. The unresolved issue has affected the economy, national security and the social life of the people of both countries.</p><p><strong>BAHASA INDONESIA ABSTRAK:</strong> Permasalahan <em>comfort women</em> yang terjadi sejak tahun 1932 terus memberikan implikasi yang kuat kepada hubungan bilateral antara Jepang dan Korea Selatan. Berbagai usaha telah dilakukan oleh kedua negara untuk menangani permasalahan ini, dimana salah satunya adalah perjanjian pada tahun 2015 yang menyatakan permasalahan comfort women telah selesai dan perjanjian ini tidak dapat dibatalkan. Bukannya menyelesaikan masalah, perjanjian ini menjadi awal dari hubungan kedua negara yang semakin memburuk. Hubungan yang buruk kemudian menimbulkan beberapa implikasi yang menjadi masalah baru di dalam hubungan Jepang dengan Korea Selatan. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian yang telah dilakukan, ditemukan bahwa permasalahan comfort women memberikan tiga implikasi kepada hubungan Jepang dan Korea Selatan yaitu Perang Dagang Jepang-Korea Selatan 2019, penarikan Korea Selatan dari General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) dan pemboikotan produk Jepang yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat Korea Selatan. Permasalahan comfort women yang tidak kunjung terselesaikan telah mempengaruhi perekonomian, keamanan nasional, hingga kehidupan sosial masyarakat kedua negara.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 197
Author(s):  
Brenda Caroline Geraldo Castro ◽  
Beatriz Vieira ◽  
José Baltazar Salgueirinho Osório de Andrade Guerra

Air pollution is currently a major global concern due to increased industrialization and its consequences for the environment. The Asian continent in particular has become one of the main affected by this type of pollution and its impacts, with many countries like China and South Korea seeking to reduce the causes of this problem. South Korea is a country particularly affected by particles, especially during changing seasons. In the article, the origins of these emissions and impacts on South Korean society were discussed, such as social habits and behaviors. The mitigation practices developed by the country to tackle this problem have shown positive results, but they are still insufficient.


Headline SOUTH KOREA: Anti-graft law could transform society


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 343-364
Author(s):  
Sangjoon Lee

Abstract As the apparent progeny of Cold War politics in the West, espionage films witnessed unprecedented popularity around the globe in the 1960s. With the success of Dr. No (1962) and Goldfinger (1964)—along with French, Italian, and German copycats—in Asia, film industries in Japan, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and South Korea recognized the market potential and embarked on churning out their own James Bond-mimetic espionage films in the late 1960s. Since the regional political sphere has always been multifaceted, however, each country approached genre conventions with its own interpretation. In the US-driven Cold War political, ideological, and economic sphere, developmental states in the region, particularly South Korea and Taiwan, vigorously adopted anti-communist doctrine to guard and uphold their militant dictatorships. Under this political atmosphere in the regional sphere, cultural sectors in each nation-state, including cinema, voluntarily or compulsorily served as an apparatus to strengthen the state’s ideological principles. While the Cold War politics that drive the narrative in the American and European films is conspicuously absent in Hong Kong espionage films, South Korea and Taiwan, on the other hand, explicitly promulgated the ideological principles of their apparent enemies, North Korea and the People’s Republic of China (PRC), in their representative espionage films. This article casts a critical eye over South Korea–initiated inter-Asian coproduction of espionage films produced during the time, with particular reference to South Korea–Hong Kong coproduction of SOS Hong Kong (SOS Hongk’ong) and Special Agent X-7 (Sun’gan ŭn yŏngwŏnhi), both produced and released in 1966.


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