On the State and Fate of Status Offenders

1977 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 133-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfgang L Grichting

The handling of status offenders is reviewed in the context of the historical development of juvenile justice in this country. Discrepancies between the legal code and the actual practice are noted and discussed in the light of present tendencies and likely developments concerning status offenders. On the basis of a nationally representative sample of 1467 juvenile offenders a procedure is developed to estimate the actual number of status offenders committed to public correctional facilities in the nation as a whole and in the 48 contiguous states. These estimates are correlated with a battery of socio-demographic factors. The analysis suggests that the phenomenon of status offenders is mainly a problem of the modern way of life characterized by urbanization, industrialization, and affluence. Some policy recommendations are the natural result of the present analysis. The noble intention of the justice system to exempt minors from the full force of criminal law ironically has resulted in one of the worst legal situations on record (Platt, 1969; Mattick and Aikman, 1969; Sarri, 1974). In 1899 Illinois became the first state to enact a juvenile court act, and within thirty years all but two states had followed suit by drafting special juvenile statutes designed to eliminate formal procedures and stigmatizing labels for minors and to emphasize individual treatment on the basis of parens patriae ideologies. Since the juvenile justice system was intended strictly for the protection and well-being of the youth, neither procedural guidelines nor jurisdictional boundaries were thought necessary for inclusion in juvenile statutes (Levin and Sarri, 1974). The lack of such regulations as well as extensive misconceptions of the goals of the reformers have resulted in a most tragic overreach by the juvenile justice system: the presumed or actual possession of jurisdiction over status offenders (Lemert, 1970). A status offender is commonly defined as a minor who engages in conduct which would not result in a criminal charge if committed by an adult. Typical examples of such conduct are “truancy”, “running away”, “using profanity”, “growing up in idleness”, and “incorrigibility”. These examples make clear that status offenses refer to both violation of specific ordinances and to general character or personality shortcomings and disorders. The indiscriminate handling of status offenders thus not only offends our sense of justice but also invites serious questioning of the efficacy of the present approach to cope with status offenders. In short, an institution designed to protect the most vulnerable population — the nation's youth, that is — has turned into a formal procedure by the system in which “the child is least helped and most abused” (Orlando, 1975). The failure to distinguish between status offenses and violations of penal laws by minors has resulted in jammed pretrial detention centers, inadequate and perfunctory court processing, and oversized correctional facilities crowded with status offenders and serious delinquents (including murderers) together. Thus immeasurable damage is inflicted upon youth at an absolutely forbidding cost to society at large. For these reasons the handling of status offenders should be removed from the juvenile justice system and be entrusted to a special service organization which does not have judicial power over its clients. Recent Supreme Court decisions have begun to move in this direction, 1 but few states thus far have successfully incorporated this development into the juvenile statutes, and no state has fully implemented the rulings issued by the highest court in this land. In this paper an attempt is made (1) to review the statutory distinctions and disposition differences concerning status offenders and juvenile delinquents, (2) to estimate the number of detained status offenders as a percentage of all the youth committed to public correctional facilities, 2 and (3) to examine some structural correlates of the forty-eight contiguous states which might explain the differences in the proportion of status offenders detained in public correctional facilities.

1983 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry Krisberg ◽  
Ira Schwartz

Data on juvenile arrests, court processing, and admissions to juvenile correctional facilities offer important information to help rethink juvenile justice policy directions of the last decade. Most striking is the progress in reducing the involvement of status offenders within the juvenile justice system between 1974-1979. Less encouraging is that similar progress was not achieved in the case of delinquent offenders. Moreover, the primary consequence of the removal of status of fenders from the juvenile justice system is the large decline in female admissions to public correctional facilities whereas male admissions were either stable or actually increased from 1974-1979. Also interesting is the levelling off of rates of Part 1 juvenile arrests from 1974-1979: this directly contradicts public perceptions of a steady and alarming increase in serious youth crime.


1980 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosemary Sarri ◽  
Patrick W. Bradley

Diversion and other alternatives to juvenile court processing are being used increasingly in many countries. Juvenile aid panels were developed and implemented in South Australia as a part of the 1971 revised Juvenile Courts Act. Findings from the study of a five-year cohort of youths pro cessed through the juvenile aid panels and the juvenile court are presented and analyzed. The findings indicate that the rate of reappearance of youths processed through the panels was essentially similar to that of youths processed through the court. Thus, as far as the criterion of re cidivism is concerned, this more benign and less stigmatizing mechanism is at least as effective as court processing. Panels were not successful in removing all minor and status offenders from processing in the court, nor were the numbers of cases processed by the court reduced as a result of the panels. Quite the opposite—the entire juvenile justice system grew rapidly during this five-year period, largely because of increased numbers pro cessed by the panels.


1982 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda Hancock ◽  
Meda Chesney-Lind

Females are treated differently from males in the juvenile justice system. While the majority of males appear in juvenile court on charges of illegal behaviour, most females appear on “status offence” grounds, that is, for behaviour that only juveniles under a particular age can be brought to police or court attention. Females charged on moral or status offences are treated more harshly than males. However, when they are charged with illegal behaviour, females are treated more leniently which is appropriate, since delinquent girls are generally involved in less serious criminal behaviour than boys. In principle, the juvenile court was set up to protect juveniles and, by giving wide powers of discretion to law enforcers, to facilitate decisions in young offenders' best interests. In practice, particular categories of youth are treated more harshly than others. Evidence indicates that those females appearing on status offence charges (often from socially and economically disadvantaged backgrounds) are discriminated against on the basis of their sexual behaviour. This paper describes the present situation and outlines the failures of attempts at legislative changes in the definition and processing of juvenile status offenders in the United States and Australia. These examples show that the double standard of juvenile justice is international; not simply an artifact of one nation's court system. Treating status offence problems within a criminal justice system has destructive and damaging effects which may only intensify the problems from which such youth are ostensibly being protected.


2009 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Angkasa Angkasa ◽  
Saryono Hanadi ◽  
Muhammad Budi Setyadi

Legal fundament of implementation of restorative justice in the phase investigation of juvenile justice system  in Indonesia stated in article 5 sentence (1) Law No. 8 Year 1981 concerning KUHAP; article 42 Law No. 3 Year 1997 concerning juvenile court, article 16 sentence ( 1) letter (l), sentence (2) and article 18  Law No. 2 Year 2002 concerning Police Department of Republic of Indonesia, Confidential Telegram of Kabareskrim No. Pol. TR/359/DIT,I/VI/2008. Mediation Perpetrator and Victim in the course of Jurisdiction of Child in jurisdiction territory of prison in Purwokerto, in the form of peace among victim and perpetrator of this child, is conducted in inspection phase, is in prosecution phase and inspection of justice have never been conducted by mediation. Implementation of Mediation in case of child in Jurisdiction territory of Bapas Purwokerto, not yet earned a Restorative Justice Model. This Matter is based on fact that goals of this mediation practice tend to only aim to decontrol continuation. Kata kunci: Juvenile Justice System; Restorative Justice Model; Mediation; prison


1988 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-124
Author(s):  
Anne L. Schneider

The traditional rehabilitation-oriented juvenile justice system handled drug and alcohol users with greater leniency than persons involved in any other kind of offense, including other status offenses. Shifts toward an accountability, “justice” orientation, such as that which occurred in Washington State, however, may be accompanied by increased sanctions for juveniles who commit these or other kinds of “victimless” offenses. I discuss pros and cons of three policy alternatives: continuing with the current system in which drug and alcohol use are categorized as misdemeanors, diverstiture of court jurisdiction, or diversion into the mental health system.


1973 ◽  
Vol 32 (3_suppl) ◽  
pp. 1119-1124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Woodbury

The study investigated (1) the differences in attitudes toward legal agencies between white and black delinquents, (2) group differences on anomie scales and (3) intergroup correlational analyses among attitudes toward legal agencies and anomie scales. A random sample of delinquents (73 white and 73 black) were administered measures of attitudes toward the police, juvenile court, probation and anomie. t tests of significance and z tests using Fisher's r to z transformation assessed group differences. White delinquents had more unfavorable attitudes toward the juvenile court while black delinquents had more hostile attitudes toward the police. White delinquents had more feelings of valuelessness and hopelessness. Black delinquents had more of powerlessness. Correlations suggest that attitudes toward legal agencies and those of anomie may be acquired independently.


2001 ◽  
Vol 81 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
RONALD J. SEYKO

On November 17, 1995, the governor of Pennsylvania signed into law Special Session Act 33 of 1995, which redefined the purpose of Pennsylvania's juvenile justice system to incorporate the principles of the Balanced Approach and Restorative Justice (BARJ) philosophy. This article describes the genesis of the new law, explains the BARJ model, and illustrates the effect that the law is having on the juvenile court system in Allegheny County. The article specifically focuses on the numerous projects that the Allegheny County juvenile probation department has instituted to meet the BARJ obligation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 305-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer H. Peck

In 2002, the reauthorization of the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act of 1974 required that states participating in the Formula Grants Program must put forth a good faith effort at addressing juvenile delinquency and the presence of minority youth at all decision-making points of the juvenile justice system without the use of numerical quotas. The last decade has brought about increases in states’ efforts at identifying and assessing the extent of disproportionate minority contact (DMC) across juvenile court contacts. Many states have already implemented or are currently implementing intervention and prevention efforts at reducing DMC. However, the segments of identification, assessment, and intervention are only three of the five phases of the DMC mandate. In light of the progression of the DMC mandate since its original implementation in 1988, the purpose of this essay is to spark discussion on the future of examining DMC in the juvenile justice system through a researcher’s perspective. Various topics that relate to DMC are presented as ideas for readers to consider, as they progress with their research agendas.


1984 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 415-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirley M. Hufstedler

This article is an expanded version of an address given before the 1984 Conference: “Rethinking Juvenile Justice,” sponsored by the National Council on Crime and Delinquency. The article traces the evolution of the Juvenile Court and discusses the pressures placed upon the juvenile justice system at the same time it punishes, incapacitates and reforms youthful offenders. The author challenges juvenile justice planners to develop humane, cost-effective, and community-based alternatives as a means of reducing the current confusion over the proper role of the juvenile court.


2019 ◽  
Vol 85 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-470 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksis P. Kincaid ◽  
Amanda L. Sullivan

The overrepresentation of youth with disabilities in the juvenile justice system is a persistent concern, but estimates of their involvement vary dramatically due to differences in how disability is conceptualized and when involvement in juvenile justice is measured. This study linked juvenile court and educational records for 230,760 students in one state to describe the involvement of students with and without disabilities in juvenile court. Overrepresentation of students with disabilities was not robust to sociodemographic controls (relative risk ratio [RR] = 1.07) but varied by disability category such that students with emotional or behavioral disorders (RR = 1.98) and other health impairments (RR = 1.12) remained overrepresented. Students with disabilities were charged with more severe offenses than their peers without disabilities and were more likely to be petitioned to court with a higher degree of offense even after controlling for the type of offense. Implications for policy, practice, and research are discussed.


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