scholarly journals From Black Power to Broken Windows: Liberal Philanthropy and the Carceral State

2020 ◽  
pp. 009614422095661
Author(s):  
Sam Collings-Wells
Keyword(s):  
Black Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Community Action ◽  
Broken Windows ◽  
Police Reform ◽  
Carceral State ◽  
Philanthropic Organizations ◽  
Political Controversy ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Urban Disorder

During the 1960s, the Ford Foundation was one of the largest philanthropic organizations in the United States. This article examines the shifting strategies which Ford deployed in an attempt to tackle urban disorder in U.S. cities between 1965 and 1982. From 1966 to 1969, Ford engaged in a series of experimental projects which sought to dampen unrest through “community action” and grassroots mobilization, many of which required working with Black Power organizations. Yet, after this generated considerable political controversy, the foundation shifted toward funding liberal police reform, establishing the Police Foundation in 1970, a Washington-based organization whose research provided the intellectual underpinning for “Broken Windows” policing. Studying the Ford Foundation’s programming during this period can illuminate the understudied contribution of liberal philanthropy to the rise of the carceral state, as well as the connections between the grassroots antipoverty efforts of the 1960s and the punitive turn of the 1970s.

Challenging Authority, Seeking Community, and Empowerment in the New Left, Black Power, and Feminism

1996 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. J. Rorabaugh
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Black Power ◽  
New Left ◽  
The United States ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
Social Critique ◽  
Present Essay ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
The Common ◽  
The 1960S

In the 1960s three major sociopolitical movements, the New Left, Black Power, and feminism, arose in the United States. All three represented assaults on older ideas about the nature of authority, especially as expressed in a hierarchical fashion, all attached a premium to a sense of community, which was defined narrowly to include only members of each group, and all actively sought empowerment for themselves. The present essay examines this matrix. It begins by considering briefly the common historical background and early civil rights activity that influenced and to some extent linked all three movements. The essay then traces in turn each movement's beginning, development, and situation at the end of the Sixties. It explores how these movements shared certain values, expressed those ideas in different settings, and were interrelated in myriad, shifting ways. The overall complex interaction of these three movements suggests a common social critique that was greater than the sum of its parts.

scholarly journals Black power print

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. James West
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Print Culture ◽  
Graphic Design ◽  
Black Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Black America ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Cover Art ◽  
Community Newspaper

This photographic essay focuses on the cover art of a wave of black radical periodicals which emerged in the United States during the 1960s to shed light on the intersections between Black Power, graphic design and black print culture. By examining the graphic design and artwork employed by ‘little black magazines’ such as Liberator, Soulbook and Black America, we can see the origins of a Black Power visual aesthetic which was most memorably rendered through the work of Emory Douglas and the Black Panther community newspaper during the late 1960s and early 1970s. In turn, I argue that such cover art can be understood as just one example of the visual intersections which emerged between black radical activism and black print culture in the United States during the years following World War II.

The Siege of Harlem and Its Commune

Novel Shocks ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 125-138
Author(s):  
Myka Tucker-Abramson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
Urban Renewal ◽  
Black Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Jane Jacobs ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 1960S

Warren Miller’s Siege of Harlem is a strange and vexing novel that draws on the “internal colony” thesis of black power thinkers and imagines Harlem’s secession from the United States. It is also a novel that marks the end of the era of urban renewal and the passing from the era of Robert Moses to that of Jane Jacobs. This concluding chapter suggests that Siege can help us refuse the forced choices between Moses and Jacobs, or the planners and the walkers, that dominate conversations about post-war planning. Siege does so, the conclusion argues, by offering a different trajectory of urban thinking and politics, one that stretches from the multicultural and often Communist-led left in the 1930s and 1940s, to the working class, Puerto Rican, and black urban revolts of the 1960s, which put forward a militantly socialist, internationalist, and anti-imperialist urban vision. It is this form of urbanism, the conclusion suggests, that we need to return to today.

Birth Control, Population Control, and Family Planning: An Overview

1995 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald T. Critchlow
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Family Planning ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
Birth Control ◽  
Population Control ◽  
The United States ◽  
World War ◽  
Family Planning Programs ◽  
Political Controversy ◽  
The 1960S

The cultural fission created by the controversy over birth control and abortion, as Juvenal's satiric comment above indicates, has a long and bitter history. The emergence of the modern state, however, transformed cultural differences into political acrimony as reproduction rights became public policy. In the United States, reproductive rights in the post-World War II period became a matter of political controversy when the federal government began to fund family planning programs domestically and abroad in the 1960s.

Having Their Say, Leaving Their Mark

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-153
Author(s):  
Adolphus G. Belk ◽  
Robert C. Smith ◽  
Sherri L. Wallace
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civic Engagement ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Black People ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Documents ◽  
Adverse Conditions ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Independent Organization

In general, the founders of the National Conference of Black Political Scientists were “movement people.” Powerful agents of socialization such as the uprisings of the 1960s molded them into scholars with tremendous resolve to tackle systemic inequalities in the political science discipline. In forming NCOBPS as an independent organization, many sought to develop a Black perspective in political science to push the boundaries of knowledge and to use that scholarship to ameliorate the adverse conditions confronting Black people in the United States and around the globe. This paper utilizes historical documents, speeches, interviews, and other scholarly works to detail the lasting contributions of the founders and Black political scientists to the discipline, paying particular attention to their scholarship, teaching, mentoring, and civic engagement. It finds that while political science is much improved as a result of their efforts, there is still work to do if their goals are to be achieved.

Poisoned Earth

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Jones
Keyword(s):  
Solar Energy ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Small Firms ◽  
Social Activism ◽  
The United States ◽  
Oil Companies ◽  
Natural Beauty ◽  
Green Business ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Start Ups

The chapter examines green business during the 1960s and 1970, decades of new environmental awareness. In organic food natural beauty, a number of commercially viable green businesses and brands began to be built, and distribution channels created. There was significant innovation in wind and solar energy in the wake of the first oil crises although they remained marginal in the energy industry. Green entrepreneurs still faced huge obstacles finding both capital and consumers. In the case of the capital-intensive solar energy business, the main solution was to sell start-ups to cash-rich oil companies. Green businesses clustered in hubs of environmental and social activism, such as Berkeley and Boulder in the United States, Allgäu in Germany, and rural areas of Denmark. These clusters enabled small firms to build skills and competences which could eventually be used to expand into more mainstream locations.

The Constitutionality of Involuntary Civil Commitment of Opiate Addicts

1988 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 641-661 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael P. Rosenthal
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Civil Commitment ◽  
The United States ◽  
Involuntary Treatment ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
Narcotic Trafficking ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Opiate Addicts ◽  
The 1960S

This paper deals with the constitutionality of involuntary treatment of opiate addicts. Although the first laws permitting involuntary treatment of opiate addicts were enacted in the second half of the nineteenth century, addicts were not committed in large numbers until California and New York enacted new civil commitment legislation in the 1960s. Inevitably, the courts were called upon to decide if involuntary treatment was constitutional. Both the California and New York courts decided that it was. These decisions were heavily influenced by statements made by the United States Supreme Court in Robinson v. California. The Robinson case did not actually involve the constitutionality of involuntary treatment; it involved the question of whether it was constitutional for a state to make addiction a crime. Nevertheless, the Supreme Court declared (in a dictum) that a state might establish a program of compulsory treatment for opiate addicts either to discourage violation of its criminal laws against narcotic trafficking or to safeguard the general health or welfare of its inhabitants. Presumably because the Robinson case did not involve the constitutionality of involuntary treatment of opiate addicts, the Supreme Court did not go into that question as deeply as it might have. The California and New York courts, in turn, relied too much on this dictum and did not delve deeply into the question. The New York courts did a better job than the California courts, but their work too was not as good as it should have been.

scholarly journals The Global Domain of the Dollar: Eight Questions

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 421-429
Author(s):  
Robert N. McCauley
Keyword(s):  
Economic Activity ◽  
Balance Sheet ◽  
The United States ◽  
Fiscal Deficits ◽  
Exorbitant Privilege ◽  
The World ◽  
World Economic ◽  
Dollar Debt ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The U.S

Abstract Since the late 1950s, the rest of the world has come to use the dollar to an extent that justifies speaking of the dollar’s global domain. The rest of the world denominates much debt in U.S. dollars, extending U.S. monetary policy’s sway. In addition, in outstanding foreign exchange deals, the rest of the world has undertaken to pay still more in U.S. dollars: off-balance-sheet dollar debts buried in footnotes. Consistent with the scale of dollar debt, most of the world economic activity takes place in countries with currencies tied to or relatively stable against the dollar, forming a dollar zone much larger than the euro zone. Even though the dollar assets of the world (minus the United States) exceed dollar liabilities, corporate sector dollar debts seem to make dollar appreciation akin to a global tightening of credit. Since the 1960s, claims that the dollar’s global role suffers from instability and confers great benefits on the U.S. economy have attracted much support. However, evidence that demand for dollars from official reserve managers forces unsustainable U.S. current account or fiscal deficits is not strong. The so-called exorbitant privilege is small or shared. In 2008 and again in 2020, the Federal Reserve demonstrated a willingness and capacity to backstop the global domain of the dollar. Politics could constrain the Fed’s ability to backstop the growing share of the domain of the dollar accounted for by countries that are not on such friendly terms with the U.S.

The Revival of Quantification: Reflections on Old New Histories

2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Steven Ruggles
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Social History ◽  
Economic History ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
The United States ◽  
First Century ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Second Wave

AbstractQuantitative historical analysis in the United States surged in three distinct waves. The first quantitative wave occurred as part of the “New History” that blossomed in the early twentieth century and disappeared in the 1940s and 1950s with the rise of consensus history. The second wave thrived from the 1960s to the 1980s during the ascendance of the New Economic History, the New Political History, and the New Social History, and died out during the “cultural turn” of the late twentieth century. The third wave of historical quantification—which I call the revival of quantification—emerged in the second decade of the twenty-first century and is still underway. I describe characteristics of each wave and discuss the historiographical context of the ebb and flow of quantification in history.

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