Every Cloud …?: The World Conference on Human Rights and Supervision of Implementation of Human Rights

1993 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 457-468
Author(s):  
Ineke Boerefijn ◽  
Koen Davidse
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
United Nations ◽  
World Conference ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
High Commissioner ◽  
The World ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Human Rights Norms ◽  
The Impact

In this article, the authors deal with the impact of the World Conference on Human Rights (WCHR) on the supervision of the implementation of human rights, one of the main topics on the agenda of the WCHR. Within the framework of the United Nations, various procedures have been developed regarding the international supervision of human rights norms. Procedures have been established on the basis of treaties as well as on the basis of resolutions of the Commission on Human Rights. Many contributions were made on this issue to the WCHR, from inter-governmental organizations, non-governmental organizations as well as independent experts. Submissions concerned the strengthening of existing mechanisms, as well as the creation of new mechanisms. After describing developments initiated by the relevant supervisory bodies themselves, the authors examine to which extent the WCHR gave an impetus to the strengthening of the current machinery, through further enhancing and expanding treaty-based supervision and through strengthening the position of independent experts mandated by the Commission on Human Rights. Next, the authors examine whether the WCHR gives room for the creation of new mechanisms, such as the High Commissioner for Human Rights.

Part Three Protection and Solutions, VII Protection of Palestinian Refugees

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albanese Francesca P ◽  
Takkenberg Lex
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
United Nations ◽  
International Protection ◽  
Palestinian Refugees ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
High Commissioner ◽  
Global Regime ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Human Rights Norms

This chapter examines the protection dimension of the distinctive regime set up for Palestinian refugees in an historical and comparative fashion. It then addresses the need for international protection of Palestinian refugees. As Palestinian refugees in need of protection have spread outside UNRWA’s area of operations, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) became increasingly involved. Since the mid-2000s, cooperation between UNHCR and UNRWA has become more structured. As awareness of the protection needs of Palestinians has increased, so have the contributions of others, including UN agencies and human rights mechanisms, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and the Palestinians’ own embassies. These developments reflect a profound change: a shift from treating protection of Palestinians as something exceptional and separate from the global regime for refugees to a recognition that their protection is and should be treated as an integral, albeit distinct, part of that regime. Ultimately, a major improvement in the protection of Palestinian refugees would occur if states and regional bodies fully honoured their commitments and obligations under international law, and, for those state parties to the international refugee regime, the obligations stemming from it. For this to happen and to ensure continuity of protection, the partnership between UNRWA and UNHCR should be upgraded through a comprehensive approach aimed at ensuring that practices fully align with the provisions of relevant UN resolutions, Article 1D of the 1951 Convention and human rights norms.

The Indian Nationalist Movement and the League of Nations: Prologue to the United Nations

1983 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
T.A. Keenleyside
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Nations ◽  
League Of Nations ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The World ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Governmental Institutions ◽  
British Commonwealth ◽  
The Impact

Prior to 1947, India, despite its dependence upon Great Britain, was represented in most of the bonafide international conferences and organizations that evolved especially during the inter-war years. For example, India participated in the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, the Washington Conference on Naval Armaments of 1921, the London Naval Conference of 1930, the Disarmament Conference of 1932 and the annual inter-war conferences of the International Labour Organization. In addition, India was represented in two important international organizations of the inter-war period—the British Commonwealth, in whose deliberations it was included from 1917 onwards and the League of Nations, of which it was a founding member. For a variety of reasons; Indians involved in the independence movement disassociated themselves from and were critical of official Indian diplomacy conducted through the major international conferences and institutions of the world community and tended to attach greater importance to those non-governmental organizations in which the voice of nationalist India could be fully heard—that is to the deliberations of such bodies as the League Against Imperialism, 1927–1930, the Anti-War Congress of 1932, the World Peace Congress of 1936 and the International Peace Campaign Conference of 1938. Nevertheless, despite the nationalist antipathy for official Indian diplomacy, an examination of such governmental institutions as the League of Nations from the perspective of nationalist India is still important in order to understand some aspects of independent India's foreign policy and more specifically its approach to international organization. Further, even though Indian delegations to the League were unrepresentative, there were subtle ways in which they reflected national Indian opinions and exhibited specifically Indian traits, so that a study of the official Indian role is useful in drawing attention to what were to prove to be some of the earliest and most persisting elements of independent Indian diplomacy via such bodies as the United Nations. It is thus the purpose of this article first to explore nationalist Indian attitudes towards the League (especially the reasons for opposition to the organization), second to analyze the extent to which the official Indian role in the League reflected nationalist Indian concerns, and third to comment upon the impact of the League of Nations on independent India's foreign policy, especially its role in the United Nations.

scholarly journals Refugee Repatriation and the Problem of Consent

2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 855-875 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mollie Gerver
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Original Data ◽  
Final Decision ◽  
The Past ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
High Commissioner ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government ◽  
Existing Data

Over the past decade, millions of refugees have fled their countries of origin and asked for asylum abroad. Some of these refugees do not receive asylum, but are not deported. Instead they are detained, or denied basic rights of residency, some forced into enclosed camps. Hoping to escape such conditions, they wish to return to unsafe countries, and ask for help from non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. In such cases, should NGOs and the UN assist refugees to return? Drawing on original data gathered in South Sudan, and existing data from around the world, I argue that they should assist with return if certain conditions are met. First, the UN and NGOs must try to put an end to coercive conditions before helping with return. Secondly, helping with return must not encourage the government to expand the use of coercive policies to encourage more to return. Finally, NGOs and the UN must ensure that refugees are fully informed of the risks of returning. Organizations must either conduct research in countries of origin or lobby the government to allow refugees to visit their countries of origin before making a final decision.

International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights Law

1993 ◽  
Vol 33 (293) ◽  
pp. 94-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louise Doswald-Beck ◽  
Sylvain Vité
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
International Humanitarian Law ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
Human Rights Law ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The United Nations

International humanitarian law is increasingly perceived as part of human rights law applicable in armed conflict. This trend can be traced back to the United Nations Human Rights Conference held in Tehran in 1968 which not only encouraged the development of humanitarian law itself, but also marked the beginning of a growing use by the United Nations of humanitarian law during its examination of the human rights situation in certain countries or during its thematic studies. The greater awareness of the relevance of humanitarian law to the protection of people in armed conflict, coupled with the increasing use of human rights law in international affairs, means that both these areas of law now have a much greater international profile and are regularly being used together in the work of both international and non-governmental organizations.

Interview with Mary Robinson

2010 ◽  
Vol 92 (877) ◽  
pp. 9-18
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Change ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Trinity College ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Global Alliance ◽  
Mary Robinson ◽  
High Commissioner ◽  
Law Faculty ◽  
The World

AbstractMary Robinson, the first woman President of Ireland (1990–1997), former United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (1997–2002), and current President of Realizing Rights: The Ethical Globalization Initiative, has spent most of her life as a human rights advocate. As an academic (Trinity College Law Faculty), legislator, and barrister, she has always sought to use law as an instrument for social change. The recipient of numerous honours and awards throughout the world, Mary Robinson is a member of The Elders, co-founder and former Chair of the Council of Women World Leaders, and Vice President of the Club of Madrid. She chairs the GAVI Alliance (Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunisation) Board and the Fund for Global Human Rights and is Honorary President of Oxfam International, Patron of the International Community of Women Living with AIDS (ICW), and President of the International Commission of Jurists.

The Role of Non-Governmental Organizations in the Business and Human Rights Treaty Negotiations

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-311 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadia Bernaz ◽  
Irene Pietropaoli
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Working Group ◽  
Corporate Accountability ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Business And Human Rights ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Treaty Negotiations ◽  
Global Movement ◽  
The Impact

AbstractIn June 2014, the UN Human Rights Council established an intergovernmental working group to elaborate a treaty on business and human rights. In July 2015, the working group held its first session launching the negotiations process—the culmination of a global movement of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that over the last four decades have called for greater corporate accountability for human rights violations. The advocacy activities of the Treaty Alliance, an alliance of NGOs that supports the development of the treaty, were pivotal to the tabling of the resolution establishing the working group. These organizations now have the opportunity to engage with the negotiations process, both formally and informally, through consultations, advocacy, and lobbying. This article considers the impact NGOs may have in the drafting negotiations of the proposed treaty. It identifies several lobbying and advocacy strategies that were successful in previous international law-making processes and discusses the extent to which they could be applied to the current negotiations. It presents the benefits of an NGO coalition, of formal and informal lobbying strategies, and of the development of a common NGOs and friendly states framework. It analyses the reasons for Western states’ opposition and suggests lobbying strategies that may overcome it. Recognizing the unique subject matter of this treaty, it also focuses on lobbying corporate actors, and explores the complementarity between the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights and the treaty and the need for NGOs to support both. The article concludes on the necessity to compromise on essential points if a treaty is ever to emerge.

Addressing the Needs of Vulnerable Refugees

2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 282-289
Author(s):  
Imelda Mary Graham
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Refugee Camps ◽  
Rehabilitation Professionals ◽  
High Commissioner ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Justice Practice ◽  
European Situation ◽  
The Impact

In recent times there has been a large increase in the numbers of people who are refugees1 seeking asylum, safety, and a secure future in countries across the globe. The countries to which they seek to gain access have often placed barriers to their arrival, sometimes overwhelmed by the numbers. People who have become refugees have the same human rights and basic needs as anyone else. Rehabilitative work is limited in most instances, although if properly addressed would afford most people who are refugees the opportunity to integrate into their new countries, and enable them to contribute in a meaningful manner to that country's well-being and development. Displaced peoples have a broad profile, including people with disabilities, some being acquired on their migration journey. Social justice practice includes addressing the needs of refugees, especially the most vulnerable among them. This article will examine these issues, establishing the context of current displacement, with projected numbers for the future; it will describe and discuss the impact of the difficult journeys undertaken by refugees; and propose the key elements for focus by rehabilitation professionals, particular reference to the European situation, especially that of Greece. The article is based on the author's first-hand experiences while working in European refugee camps, including one specifically for those with disabilities. The article will draw upon information, statistics, and other evidence supporting the issues addressed, including Human Rights Watch; Pew Research Center; Aida: Asylum in Europe Database, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, and the United Nations.

The Persistence of Chinese Rights Defenders

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara L. M. Davis
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Domestic Courts ◽  
Human Rights Advocacy ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Trials ◽  
Human Rights Norms ◽  
Transnational Solidarity

Scholars have recently critiqued human rights as a purely Eurocentric construct that has failed to find wider appeal and is now on the decline. Some cite the apparent success of China’s repressive political regime in support of this argument, but depicting China as uniformly authoritarian risks missing the persistence of domestic forms of human rights advocacy and mobilization. This chapter reviews the history of civil society mobilization in China since 2000, including actions taken in domestic courts, in non-governmental organizations, and through social media. Despite repeated crackdowns, the arrest and disappearance of leading human rights defenders, and Chinese authorities’ interference with UN human rights mechanisms, some Chinese human rights defenders do find innovative ways to persist in rights-based advocacy, such as the practice of weiguan (public counterveillance during political trials). The author argues that the world has entered a more intense phase of struggle over the meaning and application of human rights norms in diverse local contexts, and that the human rights framework facilitates transnational solidarity.

Apartheid and the International Community

1974 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 19-24
Author(s):  
E. S. Reddy
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
United Nations ◽  
International Community ◽  
Intergovernmental Organizations ◽  
Trade Relations ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
The World ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Racial Policy

Rarely has the policy of an individual government attracted as wide attention throughout the world as the racial policy of South Africa. It has been discussed in several organs of the United Nations, in specialized agencies of the United Nations, and in several other international and regional intergovernmental organizations; in the Parliament of many countries; and in numerous non-governmental organizations. A number of countries have broken diplomatic, consular and trade relations with South Africa or refrained from establishing such relations. Actions protesting apartheid have involved hundreds of thousands of people outside Africa. The publications and documents on apartheid fill a good-sized library.

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