English Skills, Earnings, and the Occupational Sorting of Mexican Americans along the U.S.-Mexico Border

2000 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alberto Dávila ◽  
Marie T. Mora
Keyword(s):  
Mexican Americans ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
Mexican Immigrants ◽  
Labor Market Outcomes ◽  
Minority Language ◽  
Market Outcomes ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
Language Region ◽  
Occupational Sorting ◽  
The U.S

While English proficiency enhances labor market outcomes, its role in minority-language regions remains largely unexplored. Employing the U.S.-Mexico border as a minority-language region, we analyze whether English skills differently affect the earnings and occupational sorting of Mexican Americans along the border relative to their non-border peers. We find comparable English deficiency earnings penalties for Mexican immigrants, suggesting that this group responds to English-specific regional wage gaps. U.S.-born men, however, have a larger earnings penalty along the border, possibly reflecting natives’ relative immobility owing to strong geographic preferences. Occupational sorting exercises give credence to this interpretation for native Mexican American females.

Language as a representation of Mexican American identity

English Today ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 44-48
Author(s):  
Carmen Fought
Keyword(s):  
Mexican Americans ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
Mexican Immigrants ◽  
Demographic Data ◽  
The United States ◽  
Minority Ethnic Group ◽  
American Population ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Mexican American Population

Demographic data indicate that the English of Mexican Americans is destined to play a key role in the sociolinguistic study of language variation in the United States. In fact, Mexican American speakers are reported to account for more than 12.5% of the U.S. population. In 2003, the U.S. Census released data showing that Latinos and Latinas had replaced African Americans as the largest minority ethnic group in the U.S., and by 2007, 29.2 million Americans listed their ancestry as Mexican (Pew Hispanic Center, 2009). Moreover, in addition to the large numbers of Mexicans (first generation) and Mexican Americans (second generation) living in the Southwest, we are now seeing a new representation of these ethnic groups in other areas, such as the South. For example, between 1990 and 2000, North Carolina experienced a higher percentage of growth in its Mexican American population than any other state (Wolfram, Carter & Moriello, 2004).These statistics are important with respect to language because they reveal that a large and increasing population of English speakers in the U.S. are Latinos and Latinas of Mexican origin. Our notion of American English, then, must be extended to include the variety traditionally spoken by the children of Mexican immigrants in the U.S., generally referred to in the literature as Chicano English. In addition, if we look at the Mexican American population as a whole, we will find a number of other varieties of English spoken.

Mexican American Identity: Regional Differentiation in New Mexico

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Casandra D. Salgado
Keyword(s):  
New Mexico ◽  
Mexican Americans ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
Mexican Immigrants ◽  
Ethnic Identification ◽  
Regional Differentiation ◽  
Defensive Strategy ◽  
Long Time ◽  
History Of ◽  
Mexican American Identity

Existing research inadequately addresses the variation in Mexican Americans’ patterns of ethnic identification. Drawing on 78 interviews, I address this question by exploring how conceptions of ancestry and nationality shape ethnic identification among New Mexico’s long-standing Mexican American population, Nuevomexicanos. I find that Nuevomexicanos emphasized their ties to Spanish heritage within the history of New Mexico to explain their ethnicity and to construct their identity in opposition to Mexican immigrants. Although Nuevomexicanos varied in their claims to Mexican ancestry, they generally prioritized their roots in the original Spanish settlement of New Mexico to emphasize distinctions in ancestry, nationality, and regionality from Mexican immigrants. Moreover, despite Nuevomexicanos’ persistent claims to Spanish ancestry, they did not perceive themselves as racially White. Instead, Spanish ancestry was integral to Nuevomexicano identity because it enabled them to highlight their regional ties to New Mexico and long-time American identities. Thus, I argue that Nuevomexicanos’ enduring claims to Spanish ancestry represent a defensive strategy to enact dissociation from stigmatized Mexican immigrants. Overall, these findings show that Mexican Americans’ dissociation strategies are contingent on how they define themselves as members of an ethnic and national community. These findings also indicate that “Mexican American” as an identity term is a loosely maintained membership category among “Mexican Americans” because of their intragroup heterogeneity.

Concrete Biodeterioration in the U.S.-Mexico Border Region

2010 ◽  
Vol 1278 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. E. Rendon ◽  
M. E. Lara ◽  
S. K. Rendon ◽  
M. Rendon ◽  
X. Li
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Arid Region ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
Groundwater Resources ◽  
The United States ◽  
Border Region ◽  
Hardened Concrete ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Sewage Systems

AbstractConcrete biodeterioration is defined as the damage that the products of microorganism metabolism, in particular sulfuric acid, do to hardened concrete. In Canada and in the northern part of the United States, sewer failures from concrete biodeterioration are almost unknown. In the southern part of the United States and in Mexico, however, it is a serious and expensive problem in sewage collection systems, which rapidly deteriorate. Also, leaking sewage systems result in the loss of groundwater resources particularly important in this arid region. Almost every city in the Mexican-American border region, who's combined population is more than 15 million people, faces this problem. The U.S. cities have made some provision to face these infrastructure problems, but the Mexican cities have made less effort. We recommend here the Mexican norm (NMX-C-414-ONNCCE-2004) [1] to be reviewed, or at least that a warning be issued as a key measure to avoid concrete biodeterioration.

Abstract TP182: Stroke Outcome in Mexican American Immigrants and Non-Immigrants

Stroke ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (Suppl_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lewis B Morgenstern ◽  
Lynda Lisabeth ◽  
River Gibbs ◽  
Sehee Kim ◽  
Charles Agyemang
Keyword(s):  
Mexican Americans ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
Population Based ◽  
Cognitive Outcome ◽  
Stroke Outcome ◽  
Linear Regression Models ◽  
Corpus Christi ◽  
Project Outcomes ◽  
Stroke Study ◽  
The U.S

Background/Objective: We studied the association of being born outside of the U.S. (immigrant) or born in the U.S. (non-immigrant) with 90 day post-stroke outcomes in a population-based stroke study in Texas. Methods: Stroke cases from 2008-2016 were identified from the Brain Attack Surveillance in Corpus Christi (BASIC) project. Outcomes among survivors included ADL/IADL score (higher scores worse) for functional assessment, 3MSE (cognition, lower scores worse), and NIHSS Score (neurologic, higher scores worse). Weighted linear regression models were used to assess the effect of immigration status on the outcomes. Analysis was completed using multiple imputation and inverse probability weighting to account for differential attrition. Results: Of 935 Mexican Americans available for analysis, 83 were immigrants and 852 were non-immigrants. Immigrants had resided in the U.S. on average 47 years. Immigrants were significantly older (69 vs. 66 years), more likely male (60% vs. 49%), more likely to have atrial fibrillation and have less education than non-immigrants (all p<0.05). No differences in hypertension, diabetes, cholesterol, insurance, smoking or other comorbidities existed. The Table provides the data from the fully adjusted models. Immigrants had better functional outcome (mean difference (MD) = -0.22; p=0.02), and no difference for neurologic outcome (MD= -0.15; p=0.15). There was an association of worse cognitive outcome in immigrants (MD= -5.25; p=0.009), however, the association was explained by attenuated after the adjustment for the lower educational attainment in immigrants (MD= -0.79; p=0.64). Conclusions: In this community, there was no evidence of worse stroke outcome among Mexican American immigrants, who had lived in the U.S. for decades, compared with non-immigrants. Further studies of more recent immigrant populations are warranted.

Latina/o Immigration before 1965

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lilia Fernández
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Immigration Policy ◽  
Mexican Americans ◽  
Mexican Immigrants ◽  
Puerto Ricans ◽  
Critical Role ◽  
The City ◽  
The U.S

This essay examines the migration of Mexican immigrants, Mexican Americans, and Puerto Ricans to Chicago in the 1940s and 1950s, long before the more widely recognized post-1965 immigration to the U.S. from Latin America. It argues that this pre-1965 migration to the Midwest was significant and played a critical role in establishing communities that would receive later migrants. In fact, by 1970, the city of Chicago officially counted nearly a quarter of a million Hispanics or Latinos in that year’s census. The essay examines how these populations became racialized as “non-white” in employment, housing, and the local enforcement and perceptions surrounding immigration policy.

Attitudes About Immigration

2019 ◽  
pp. 146-177
Author(s):  
Edward Telles ◽  
Christina A. Sue
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Mexican Americans ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
Mexican Immigrants ◽  
American Identity ◽  
American Population ◽  
Attitudes Toward Immigrants ◽  
Small Minority ◽  
Mexican Heritage ◽  
The Media

This chapter addresses Mexican Americans’ attitudes about Mexican immigrants in the context of mass immigration. In addition to the boundary that exists between persons of Mexican heritage and non-Latinos, there is another important social boundary operating that highlights Mexican Americans’ understandings of their own ethnicity and American identity—the boundary between Mexican immigrants and themselves. Study respondents displayed a broad range of attitudes toward immigrants, illustrating the internal diversity of the Mexican American population, which runs contrary to their treatment in the media as a homogeneous ethnic group in terms of attitudes, politics, and voting. This chapter also demonstrates the underlying ideologies, philosophies, and rationales that respondents used to justify their immigration positions: whereas many framed their views based on American ideals, only a small minority framed them in terms of their ethnicity, basing their perceptions in an understanding of Mexican immigrants as co-ethnics.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document