Responding to Disclosure of Sexual Assault: The Potential Impact of Victimization History and Rape Myth Acceptance

2020 ◽  
pp. 088626051989842
Author(s):  
Hanna M. Grandgenett ◽  
Anne L. Steel ◽  
Rebecca L. Brock ◽  
David DiLillo

Victims of sexual assault often disclose their victimization experiences to friends and family members in the hope of gaining support. However, a number of factors may influence the manner in which these confidants respond to the disclosure (e.g., severity of the victim’s assault). The purpose of this study was to examine the role of two unique factors—the disclosure recipient’s sexual victimization history and endorsement of rape myths—in predicting responses to disclosure. Participants were 114 undergraduate students who indicated that a close friend or family member had previously disclosed a sexual victimization experience to them. The participants’ responses to that disclosure, personal sexual victimization history, and rape myth attitudes were assessed via a self-report. Results indicated that a history of victimization predicted increased emotionally supportive responses to disclosure. Lower rape myth acceptance predicted increased supportive responses (i.e., emotionally supporting the victim and aiding the victim) and decreased unsupportive responses (i.e., treating the victim differently after the abuse, distracting the victim from the abuse, and blaming the victim). These results have implications for prevention efforts and those working with sexual assault survivors.

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 668-683 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Williamson ◽  
Kelly Serna

The goal of the current study was to assess the effects of self-labeling on attitudes related to victim- and self-blaming and self-compassion outcomes in 85 participants (75 women, 10 men) who have experienced sexual assault. Participants classified themselves as either a survivor, victim, or neither survivor nor victim of sexual assault. Regardless of self-classification, groups did not differ in victim-blaming (rape myth acceptance), self-blaming, or levels of self-compassion. Implications for language and forced labels of those who have experienced sexual assault are discussed.


SAGE Open ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 215824401667501 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamara Stephens ◽  
Akiko Kamimura ◽  
Niwako Yamawaki ◽  
Haimanti Bhattacharya ◽  
Wenjing Mo ◽  
...  

Rape myth acceptance is an important determinant of sexual assault behaviors. This study explored country and gender differences in rape myth acceptance among undergraduate students in the United States, Japan, and India. Male and female college students ( N = 637) in these three countries participated in a self-administered survey in the fall of 2012 (the United States, n = 206; Japan, n = 215; and India, n = 216). The order of the countries arranged in increasing order of likelihood of disbelieving rape claim was as follows: the United States, Japan, and India. U.S. and Japanese students were less likely to disbelieve rape claims ( p < .01) while U.S. students also were less likely to believe that victims are responsible for rape ( p < .01). Overall, female participants were less likely to believe in the rape myth acceptance, disbelief of rape claim and victims are responsible for rape ( p < .05). Acceptance of rape myth also varied by whether a participant knew about an organization or who do not believe they would seek help for sexual assault. Non-help seeking is associated with rape myth acceptance. This study, which used the same survey and data collection methods, provides comparative information on rape myth acceptance among college students in the United States, Japan, and India, which is not otherwise available, and contributes to providing fundamental knowledge to develop country-specific prevention programs.


2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (10) ◽  
pp. 1381-1399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jenny K. Rinehart ◽  
Elizabeth A. Yeater ◽  
Teresa A. Treat ◽  
Richard J. Viken

This study examined the cognitive processes underlying self–other differences in women’s judgments of sexual victimization risk, as well as individual difference factors associated with those processes. Participants were 518 undergraduate women between the ages of 18 and 24. The majority of the women were either White (47.5%) or Hispanic (31.9%). Stimuli were 81 vignettes depicting social situations varying in degree of sexual victimization risk and potential impact on the woman’s popularity. Participants imagined either themselves (Self condition) or an anonymous undergraduate woman (Other condition) in the situations and classified each as high or low risk. Participants also completed the Sexual Experiences Survey, Sociosexuality Scale, and Rape Myth Acceptance Scale. Participants’ risk judgments were modeled using two-level, logistic regression, which provided participant-specific estimates of sensitivity and threshold parameters. Women in the Other condition, relative to the Self condition, showed lower thresholds for judging situations as risky and greater sensitivity to risk-relevant information when judging risk. Women higher in sociosexuality showed higher thresholds and reduced sensitivity to both risk and popularity impact information when judging risk, while women higher in rape myth acceptance were more sensitive to popularity impact information when judging risk. These findings suggest that self–other differences in sexual victimization risk judgments are due to differences in both sensitivity and threshold. Sexual assault prevention interventions for college women may be improved by addressing these cognitive processes.


Author(s):  
David Gurnham

Given the seriousness for both women and men of misunderstanding or miscategorising sexual victimization and coercion, scholarly engagement with this topic must be self-critical and careful about its methods and conclusions. This article seeks to test the plausibility and justifiability of some key claims made within feminist scholarship as regards the implications of the traditional sexual script and the prevalence and impact of the “real rape” myth. The criticisms offered below with respect to these claims identify three problems: (a) that evidence that would challenge carceral feminists’ framing of the traditional sexual script as essentially a blueprint for rape is either marginalized or excluded from consideration altogether; (b) that within that framing the scripted roles of the coercive male and the passive female who is victimized have been allowed to solidify into immovable and immutable stereotypes; (c) that studies purporting to show that rape myth acceptance is highly prevalent and influential on popular attitudes are flawed in ways hitherto not fully acknowledged or explored.


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