scholarly journals Holding on to voters in volatile times: Bonding voters through party links with civil society

2020 ◽  
pp. 135406882098030
Author(s):  
Nick Martin ◽  
Sarah L de Lange ◽  
Wouter van der Brug

Political parties are increasingly confronted with electoral volatility. However, the support for some parties is more stable than that of others. Although it has been established that parties’ links to civil society stabilised their electorates in the period until the 1980s, it has not yet been investigated whether such links still fulfil this function in our volatile age. In this paper, we argue that traditional party connections, as well as links to modern day civil society organisations, continue to tie voters to parties. Using a novel dataset covering 149 parties in 29 elections in 14 West European countries, we establish that parties with stronger links to civil society do indeed have a more stable support base. This relationship holds for parties of the left and right. Our results demonstrate that parties’ societal embeddedness continues to play a role in understanding party competition in the 21st century.

Author(s):  
O. Morhuniuk

An article is devoted to the analysis of the functions and formats of political parties in consociational democracies. In particular, it is defined that parties that represent the interests of certain subcultures in society and that reach a consensus among themselves at the level of political agreements are called segmental. At the same time, parties that encapsulate different subgroups of the society that cooperate inside the party within main features of the consociational theory (grand coalition, mutual veto, proportionality in representations, and independence of segments or society subcultures) are called consociational. The theory of consociationalism has received a wide range of theoretical additions and criticism from political scientists over the past fifty years. And while political parties should have been, by definition, one of the key aspects of research within such democratic regimes (parties are part of large coalitions and agents of representation of certain subcultures), there is very scarce number of literature that focuses on this aspect. Therefore, the presented article provides a description of the functions of political parties that could be observed as inside their subcultures as well as in interaction with other segmental parties. Based on the experience of two European countries in the period of “classical” consociationalism (Belgium and the Netherlands), we explain the functions of the parties we have defined in such societies with examples of relevant consociational practices in them. Simultaneously with the analysis of segmental parties, the article also offers the characteristics of consociational parties. The emergence of such parties has its own institutional and historical features. The way of further development of the party system and the level of preservation of consociational practices makes it possible to understand the nature of changes in the societies. Similarly, the analysis of the forms of party competition and interaction between segmental parties makes it possible to outline the forms of those consociational changes that are taking place in the research countries.


Genealogy ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Carsten Humlebæk ◽  
Mark F. Hau

Issues related to Catalan secessionism are central to current debates on European integration, nationalism, and territorial politics, and the Catalan independence movement has become famous for its large annual demonstrations on Catalan national day, the Diada. This paper represents the first attempt at a thorough empirical investigation of the most important political event in Catalonia combining historical and ethnographic analysis that covers the current modern period from 1977 to 2019. This paper uses a mixed-methods approach to study the Diada mobilisations with two different main approaches determined principally by the availability of sources. We investigate the recent period of activating the Diada since 2012 using qualitative interviews, ethnographic data, and social media analysis. For the more distant periods of the Diada celebration, we use a more classical historical approach centred on discourse analysis of print media and public discourses. We find that there has been a marked shift in the perception and organisation of the Diada in recent years. We conclude that when civil society organisations are in charge of the Diada celebration, the result is a more politically charged event that mobilises a much larger proportion of the population than when politicians and political parties organise the celebration. Further, when political parties are in charge, the Diada not only mobilises far fewer people, but usually takes on a much more cultural and festive character compared with the explicitly political Diada demonstrations organised by civil society actors since 2012.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Edward Weber

What characterises the phenomenon of populism, and how has it developed in recent decades? In this study, Edward Weber addresses these questions using quantitative longitudinal analyses of three areas of investigation: the responsiveness of political elites, populism among citizens and populism in party political discourse. Although the study is based on data from Switzerland, it is also relevant for West European countries in general. Its findings demonstrate that populism constantly accompanies democracy and that today’s nationalist, conservative political parties are not populist because of their nationalist and conservative nature, but because they are relatively new and have not yet integrated themselves into the political establishment.


2018 ◽  
Vol 251 ◽  
pp. 05038
Author(s):  
Igor Andreev

The most prominent social-economic project started by the Moscow administration in 2017-2018 is the Housing Stock Renovation Program. The main political parties represented in the capital offered the citizens their interpretations of the initial variant of the program and the suggestions on its improvement. The author compares the potential of the political parties in the capital's and the federal authorities, shows the main aspects of the cross-party cooperation and competition regarding the legal documentation of the best, to their mind, variant of the program. The author also investigates the interconnection between the political parties and the civil society and, particularly, the specifics of the mass street protests, where the Muscovites expressed their ambiguous attitude to the renovation program. The author concludes that so called «systemic» parties showed a high level of the cooperation, in the process of which they were able to develop mutually acceptable amendments to the initial variant of the renovation project and to document them in the relevant legislative acts. It is also important that the parties were able to widely inform the citizens on the essence of the project, to get acquainted with the public opinion regarding this issue through various «feedback» channels, and to weaken the state of anxiety experienced by a part of the society to some extent. The author supposes that during the implementation of such programs nationwide, it is reasonable to consider not only the mass experience of their normative-legal documentation but also the mechanisms of achieving the cross-party consensus demonstrated in Moscow as well as the interaction with the civil society on the solution of the relevant problems of social-economic development.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Νικόλαος Λεκάκης

The Greek-Cypriot (G/C) and Turkish-Cypriot (T/C) communities in Cyprus have been ruthlessly separated by Turkey’s military invasion of the island in 1974. The subsequent proclamation of the occupied land as the independent state of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), which was recognized only by Turkey has placed the T/Cs into an international political exclusion. The T/Cfootball Association (TCFA) and its member-clubs too are denied participation in international football matches. The sport’s international governing agency, FIFA, has attempted twice to end the TCFA’s international isolation through provisional football reunification agreements. The agreements require of TCFA to apply and become member of the G/C Football Association (CFA), which remains the sole representative of Cypriot football in international football governance and affairs. The two sides have attempted to resolve the problem, which has political ramifications. This thesis goes beyond ‘sport for peace’ programmes in divided societies and places the problem within an international relations (IR) framework, using mainly the lens of the neoclassical realist paradigm assisted by the neoliberal approach. In this framework which combines sport, nationalism and IR,FIFA’s initiatives represent the signals sent to TRNC’s leaders, who need to take their turn to decipher them and endorse or reject the provisional football reunification agreements. Their decisions constitute in essence foreign policy outcomes because endorsement of the agreement would mean an end to TCFA’s isolation and a greater TRNC international visibility with accompanying hopes for political recognition as well. Also, the agreements and their effects might be interfering with TRNC’s strategic policies and plans for international political recognition. These opportunities appeared in a permissive environment where material resources were not required in order for TRNC’s leaders to respond it. Domestic level actors such as political parties and civil society organisations should play a role in influencing the leaders’ image of these opportunities.Following a comprehensive review of the literature, carving an appropriate conceptual framework and using the case study method, the thesis presents a historical account of the Cyprus Problem and the Football Problem. Then, relying on data from the Public Information Office (PIO), Turkish and T/C media reviews Department of the Cypriot government as well as other digital sources and semistructured interviews, it traces the foreign policy outcomes of two football reunification initiatives by FIFA. The first initiative which emerged in 2008 was dealt with by a leader from the progressive left. Although with a positive image of the initiative, he did not endorse it, anticipating a forthcoming solution to the overall Cyprus problem, which never materialised. The second initiative followed in 2013 and was dealt with by an extreme nationalist leader who immediately treated it asa threat to TRNC’s national policy. The role of domestic state actors including political parties and civil society organisations was inept and incapable of influencing the leader’s decision. TRNC’s national security issue as well as Turkey’s strategic interests in the Eastern Mediterranean helped stall the football reunification process and hopes for a successful outcome are now very dim. Theevidence from this case supports contentions by similar research that in many divided societies political reunification must precede reunification in sport.


Sociologija ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Srecko Mihailovic

This article deals with a description of the party supporters structure transformation in Serbia during political changes that occurred in 1990 and 2000 (the moments when Slobodan Milosevic came into power and was overthrown) as well as with explanation of reasons for establishing such a structure. The dominant interpretation of reasons for appearing and structuring of political parties as well as voters determination has been the polarization model based on the study of S. M. Lipset and S. Rokan (1967). In connection to the polarization model, three groups of problems can be distinguished: (1) the actual effectiveness of the model in West European countries; (2) the actual effectiveness of the model in post-communist countries, that is in countries who experienced a break in their multiparty system, and (3) the actual effectiveness of the model in Serbia.


Author(s):  
Marina Dekavalla

Chapter 4 focuses on the key actors who ran communication campaigns during the referendum, aiming to attract media attention for their views. It focuses particularly on the main Yes and No campaigns and the political parties that comprised them, as well as civil society organisations that did not support either outcome but still communicated to the media about issues they felt were significant in the debate. The chapter discusses the frames these participant actors promoted in the public debate. It is based on interviews with communication directors on both sides of the argument and representatives from impartial civil society organisations. It explores how different actors understood and defined what the referendum was about and how these understandings may be organized conceptually into different frames. It looks at similarities, differences and interactions between the frames that different actors proposed and explores whether different sides of the argument had ‘ownership’ over certain frames.


Author(s):  
Frederik Heylen ◽  
Evelien Willems ◽  
Jan Beyers

AbstractWhile many scholars have postulated the decline of membership influence as an important consequence of the professionalisation of civil society organisations (CSOs), other analysts have argued that traditional membership-driven CSOs are resilient and that hiring professionals does not necessarily diminish membership influence. This study sheds light on this issue by analysing membership influence in a representative sample of approximately 2000 CSOs from  five European countries and the European level. As members generally have a strong influence on CSOs’ policy positions, our analysis demonstrates that the pessimistic tone in much contemporary scholarly work is largely unwarranted. On the contrary, hiring professionals does not invariably decrease membership influence and can, when members are closely engaged in advocacy work, even facilitate it.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 120-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sofia Collignon

Traditionally, decentralization has been linked with the stability of the party system because it helps parties to succeed in national elections. Yet, previous research has frequently obviated the intertwined nature of multilevel party competition. This research takes a closer look at parties’ subnational electoral trajectories while arguing that decentralization increases the risk of new party demise by making subnational elections more attractive for all kinds of parties to compete in. The argument is tested applying survival analysis to the electoral trajectories of 1235 regional branches of political parties in 12 European countries. Results show that contrary to what has been stated previously on the literature, decentralization increases the risk of parties disappearing. This effect fades away the older and more consolidated the party becomes, and it is of particular relevance for regionalist parties. These findings have important implications for the literature on second-order elections and multilevel party competition.


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