scholarly journals Retrospective Study of Incidence and Survival for Patients with Hematologic Malignancies Residing at the U.S./Mexico Border

Blood ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 134 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 4782-4782
Author(s):  
Alfonso Enrique Bencomo ◽  
Andres J Rubio ◽  
Mayra Alejandra Gonzalez ◽  
Idaly Maria Olivas ◽  
Joshua Lara ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Cancer Patients ◽  
Myeloid Leukemia ◽  
El Paso ◽  
Hematologic Malignancies ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Blood Cancer ◽  
Hispanic Patients ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
The U.S

Introduction: Hispanics represent the largest minority group in the United States (U.S.), with 57.5 million individuals (18% of the population). Most U.S. Hispanics are of Mexican origin (63.2%), followed by Puerto Rican (9.5%), Cuban (3.9%), Salvadoran (3.8%), and Dominican (3.3%), but distribution varies by state. The majority of Hispanics in the U.S. reside in the Southwest region, and >11 million live in the state of Texas. Cancer is the leading cause of death in the Hispanic population, accounting for 21% of deaths in people of all ages. Health disparities for Hispanic cancer patients have previously been linked to disproportionate poverty and other barriers to optimal healthcare, and in the case of acute myeloid leukemia (AML) and acute lymphoblastic leukemia (ALL), Hispanics were found to be diagnosed younger and to have worse overall survival (OS) than Non-Hispanic whites (NHWs) (ACS. Cancer Facts & Figures for Hispanics/Latinos 2018-2020). However, little is known about incidence and survival for Hispanic blood cancer patients residing at the U.S./Mexico border. To understand the impact of Hispanic ethnicity on outcomes for blood cancer patients diagnosed in this area, we examined OS in adult patients with hematologic malignancies throughout the state of Texas compared to Texas Health Service Region (HSR) 10, encompassing El Paso County. Methods: We retrospectively reviewed data available from the Texas Cancer Registry for hematologic malignancies diagnosed in the state of Texas between 1995 and 2016, focusing our analysis on chronic and acute leukemias (both myeloid and lymphoid), myelodysplastic syndrome (MDS), and myeloproliferative neoplasms (MPNs). Survival for Hispanic and NHW groups was compared using the log-rank test, and Cox regression analyses adjusting for age and diagnosis. Differences in age at diagnosis were evaluated using t-tests and generalized linear models. Similar analyses compared Hispanic patients from HSR 10 versus Hispanic patients from the rest of Texas. Research was conducted according to a local Institutional Review Board-approved protocol in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki. Results: Of the 69,941 cases of hematologic malignancies with available information throughout the state of Texas, 18.29% self-identified as Hispanic. Surprisingly, in unadjusted analyses, Hispanic patients had significantly better OS than NHWs diagnosed with AML (p<0.0001), MDS (p<0.0001), and chronic myeloid leukemia (CML, p<0.0001), with no significant differences in OS for patients with ALL, MPN, acute promyelocytic leukemia (APL), or chronic lymphocytic leukemia (CLL). However, Hispanic patients were diagnosed at a significantly younger age in all diseases analyzed (Table 1), possibly explaining the improved survival. After adjusting for age, ALL (HR 1.32, p<.0001), CLL (HR 1.11, p=0.002), and CML (HR 1.15, p=0.008) showed significantly worse outcomes for Hispanics, with better outcomes in MDS (HR 0.92, p=0.0004), and no significant differences for AML, APL or MPN. Running the same analyses for the entire El Paso population versus the rest of Texas, we found no significant interaction except for a suggestion of a greater ethnic disparity in CML patients from El Paso (p=0.06). We also compared Hispanic patients diagnosed in El Paso versus Hispanics from the rest of Texas. Hispanics in El Paso had a significant reduction in OS compared to Hispanics in other areas of Texas for patients with ALL (p=0.0164), AML (p<0.0001), and CML (p=0.0160), but not for patients with APL, CLL, MDS, or MPN. Again the negative effects become less marked after adjustment for age, as those diagnosed in El Paso tended to be 3 years older at diagnosis than elsewhere in Texas. In analyses adjusted for age and diagnosis, there was again a suggestion that differences between El Paso and the rest of Texas were greater in Hispanics than NHW (p=0.08). Conclusions: While Hispanic patients with AML, MDS, and CML had significantly better OS compared to NHWs in Texas as a whole, this could be explained by a significant reduction in the age of diagnosis for Hispanics. However, when comparing across Texas, El Paso Hispanics with ALL, AML, and CML have a worse prognosis than in the rest of the state. There appears to be evidence that disparities in outcome by ethnicity may be different in El Paso compared with the rest of Texas. Further study is required to identify factors responsible for the disparity in OS. Disclosures No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.

scholarly journals Understanding of Mexican Migration to the United States: Rifts and Challenges

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rana Basam Khan ◽  
◽  
Muhammad Nawaz Bhatti ◽  
Ghulam Mustafa ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
El Paso ◽  
Rio Grande ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mexican Migration ◽  
Mexican Migrants ◽  
Social Defense ◽  
Basic Segment ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
The U.S

It has been decades since legislative issues have thought about social, defense, and compassionate issues of migration which has become a touchstone in U.S strategy discussion. Mexican migration to the U.S started in 1848. It has proceeded to the present with no critical interference, something that makes this work movement very particular as a basic segment of the American work advertise. Generally started with enormous development, driven by starvation, political problems, open doors in the U.S; that point eased back, tightened, or unexpectedly finished, from 1850 to 1882, similar to the case of the Chinese. The details show that Mexico is a key source of settlers in U.S and has long been a major source of enemy contact with refugees, but so many have been focusing on Mexico and not the other countries which have also become major sources of illegal immigrants. The United States and Mexico are bordered with California, San Diego, and Baja California, Tijuana, and the Pacific Ocean. The boundary stretches eastward to El Paso, Ciudad Juarez and Chihuahua, Texas, on the Rio Grande. From that point the border continues south-east along the Rio Grande River until the end of it in the Gulf of Mexico. Border stretching of over 1945 miles is insufficiently regulated. Only old solid markers, rusty safety clasp and spoiled dry fence posts can be found in many parts of the place, and the river Grande that over the centuries has continuously changed its course separating both nations. U.S endeavors to control passages and exit adequately have been focused principally along the most profoundly dealt transit courses driving to north. U.S. powerlessness to control all the Mexican boundary has proven that any Mexican involved in operating in the U.S seldom discovers that the frontier is an unlikely trap Through the span of the most recent 170 years, Mexican migrants have to a great extent worked in horticulture, farming, mining, and railroad development.

scholarly journals Forgotten Border Actors: the Border Reinforcers. A Comparison Between the U.S.–Mexico Border and South American Borders

2002 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alejandro Grimson ◽  
Pablo Vila
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
El Paso ◽  
The United States ◽  
Ciudad Juarez ◽  
South American ◽  
The Social ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
History Of ◽  
Good Neighbor ◽  
The U.S

This article is a critique of two different types of essentialisms that have gained widespread acceptance in places as distant as the U.S.-Mexico border and different Mercosur frontiers. Both essentialisms rely on metaphors that refer to the concept of "union," and put their emphasis on a variety of "sisterhood/brotherhood" tropes and, in particular, the "crossing" metaphor. This kind of stance tends to make invisible the social and cultural conflict that many times characterizes political frontiers. The article wants to reinstall this conflictive dimension. In that regard, we analyze two different case studies. The first is the history of a bridge constructed between Posadas, Argentina and Encarnación, Paraguay. The second is the community reaction toward an operation implemented by the Border Patrolin 1993 ("OperationBlockade") in a border that for many years was considered an exemplar of the "good neighbor relationships" between Mexico and the United States, the frontier between El Paso and Ciudad Juárez. Key Words: U.S.-Mexico border, Operation Blockade, Mercosur frontier, political frontier, Argentina, Paraguay, Mexico, United States, Posadas, El Paso , Encarnación, Ciudad Juárez, Border Patrol.

scholarly journals Disappearing refugees inside the United States

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-146
Author(s):  
Gerald Gray
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
El Paso ◽  
The United States ◽  
Investigative Journalism ◽  
Family Separation ◽  
Refugee Families ◽  
Children And Parents ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
Survivors Of Torture ◽  
The U.S

I have been working as a psychotherapist and social worker with refugee survivors of torture since 1990. I am now involved at the Texas-Mexico border, drawn there by the torture of refugee families and their children who are disappeared under the U.S. Administration’s phrase, “family separation.” In the El Paso Sector, I collaborate with several clinical, legal, and investigative journalism organizations. We’ve read of the thousands of children and parents disappeared from one another at the border under that official phrase “family separation.”

scholarly journals Health Care Access Measures and Palliative Care Use by Race/Ethnicity among Metastatic Gynecological Cancer Patients in the United States

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (11) ◽  
pp. 6040
Author(s):  
Jessica Y. Islam ◽  
Veeral Saraiya ◽  
Rebecca A. Previs ◽  
Tomi Akinyemiju
Keyword(s):  
Palliative Care ◽  
Cancer Patients ◽  
Gynecological Cancer ◽  
The United States ◽  
Care Utilization ◽  
Treatment Facility ◽  
Facility Type ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
Distance To Care ◽  
The U.S

Palliative care improves quality-of-life and extends survival, however, is underutilized among gynecological cancer patients in the United States (U.S.). Our objective was to evaluate associations between healthcare access (HCA) measures and palliative care utilization among U.S. gynecological cancer patients overall and by race/ethnicity. We used 2004–2016 data from the U.S. National Cancer Database and included patients with metastatic (stage III–IV at-diagnosis) ovarian, cervical, and uterine cancer (n = 176,899). Palliative care was defined as non-curative treatment and could include surgery, radiation, chemotherapy, and pain management, or any combination. HCA measures included insurance type, area-level socioeconomic measures, distance-to-care, and cancer treatment facility type. We evaluated associations of HCA measures with palliative care use overall and by race/ethnicity using multivariable logistic regression. Our population was mostly non-Hispanic White (72%), had ovarian cancer (72%), and 24% survived <6 months. Five percent of metastatic gynecological cancer patients utilized palliative care. Compared to those with private insurance, uninsured patients with ovarian (aOR: 1.80,95% CI: 1.53–2.12), and cervical (aOR: 1.45,95% CI: 1.26–1.67) cancer were more likely to use palliative care. Patients with ovarian (aOR: 0.58,95% CI: 0.48–0.70) or cervical cancer (aOR: 0.74,95% CI: 0.60–0.88) who reside >45 miles from their provider were less likely to utilize palliative care than those within <2 miles. Ovarian cancer patients treated at academic/research programs were less likely to utilize palliative care compared to those treated at community cancer programs (aOR: 0.70, 95%CI: 0.58–0.84). Associations between HCA measures and palliative care utilization were largely consistent across U.S. racial-ethnic groups. Insurance type, cancer treatment facility type, and distance-to-care may influence palliative care use among metastatic gynecological cancer patients in the U.S.

Concrete Biodeterioration in the U.S.-Mexico Border Region

2010 ◽  
Vol 1278 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. E. Rendon ◽  
M. E. Lara ◽  
S. K. Rendon ◽  
M. Rendon ◽  
X. Li
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Arid Region ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
Groundwater Resources ◽  
The United States ◽  
Border Region ◽  
Hardened Concrete ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Sewage Systems

AbstractConcrete biodeterioration is defined as the damage that the products of microorganism metabolism, in particular sulfuric acid, do to hardened concrete. In Canada and in the northern part of the United States, sewer failures from concrete biodeterioration are almost unknown. In the southern part of the United States and in Mexico, however, it is a serious and expensive problem in sewage collection systems, which rapidly deteriorate. Also, leaking sewage systems result in the loss of groundwater resources particularly important in this arid region. Almost every city in the Mexican-American border region, who's combined population is more than 15 million people, faces this problem. The U.S. cities have made some provision to face these infrastructure problems, but the Mexican cities have made less effort. We recommend here the Mexican norm (NMX-C-414-ONNCCE-2004) [1] to be reviewed, or at least that a warning be issued as a key measure to avoid concrete biodeterioration.

Religious Overclaiming and Support for Religious Aggression

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (7) ◽  
pp. 1011-1021
Author(s):  
Daniel N. Jones ◽  
Adon L. Neria ◽  
Farzad A. Helm ◽  
Reza N. Sahlan ◽  
Jessica R. Carré
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
The Self ◽  
Border Region ◽  
Mechanical Turk ◽  
Self Concept ◽  
Religious Knowledge ◽  
Three Samples ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
Different Cultures ◽  
The U.S

Agentic self-enhancement consists of self-protective and self-advancing tendencies that can lead to aggression, especially when challenged. Because self-enhancers often endorse aggression to defend or enhance the self-concept, religious self-enhancement should lead to endorsing aggression to defend or enhance one’s religion. We recruited three samples ( N = 969) from Mechanical Turk ( n = 409), Iran ( n = 351), and the U.S.–Mexico border region ( n = 209). We found that religious (but not secular) self-enhancement in the form of religious overclaiming predicted support for, and willingness to engage in, religious aggression. In contrast, accuracy in religious knowledge had mostly negative associations with aggression-relevant outcomes. These results emerged across two separate religions (Christianity and Islam) and across three different cultures (the United States, Iran, and the U.S.–Mexico border region). Thus, religious overclaiming is a promising new direction for studying support for religious aggression and identifying those who may become aggressive in the name of God.

Education and the University of North Carolina Pre-Flight School

Home Front ◽  
2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
North Carolina ◽  
Military Training ◽  
The United States ◽  
Colleges And Universities ◽  
The State ◽  
Chapel Hill ◽  
Trained Teachers ◽  
The University ◽  
The U.S

Primary and secondary schools were hard hit by the war, with a dearth of supplies and trained teachers. Many colleges and universities, vacated by men off to war, would have had to close were it not for the U.S. military training units at the schools. Each institution in the state had some sort of government activity on their campuses, but the preeminent center was the Navy Pre-Fight School at UNC-Chapel Hill, where two future presidents of the United States, George H. W. Bush and Gerald Ford trained.

scholarly journals Some Children Left Behind

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 79-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Elizabeth Rosas
Keyword(s):  
Los Angeles ◽  
Family Relationships ◽  
The United States ◽  
Immigrant Parents ◽  
State Of Emergency ◽  
Citizenship Status ◽  
South Central ◽  
Mexico Border ◽  
South Central Los Angeles ◽  
The U.S

Using a combination of oral life history interviews, field observation, and conversations with undocumented Mexican immigrant parents raising children born in the United States in South Central Los Angeles, California, this in-depth consideration of the state of emergency they face as a result of the U.S. government's implementation of the Criminal Alien Program (CAP) and Secure Communities Program (SCP) reveals their uniquely local and transnational confrontation of an increasingly insecure family situation that stretches across the U.S.-Mexico border and throughout U.S. inner cities, like South Central Los Angeles. The visibly public alienation these children, most recently identified as citizen kids endure makes evident that tragically they are most vulnerable to the indignities born out of these programs. The convergence of minor offenses committed by their parents, the illegality of their immigration status, and these children's U.S. citizenship status have paved the way for an incalculable loss that is most palpable when pausing to observe their multifaceted alienation. The relationship between these children's citizenship status, family relationships, day to day interactions, and these program's implementation reveals an underestimated yet infinitely tragic state of emergency.

Campaigning in a Racially Diversifying America

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Loren Collingwood
Keyword(s):  
Immigration Policy ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
El Paso ◽  
Strong Support ◽  
The United States ◽  
Maximum Effect ◽  
Institutional Barriers ◽  
White Voters ◽  
Electoral Mobilization ◽  
The U.S

As the United States moves toward a majority-minority country, candidates for public office must increasingly make appeals to voters from a range of racial and ethnic backgrounds. In 2008, Barack Obama did this to maximum effect with white voters across the U.S. Most recently, in 2018, Beto O’Rourke nearly became the first Democratic senator from Texas since the 1990s. O’Rourke, who grew up in El Paso, speaks Spanish and is extremely knowledgeable about border issues and immigration policy more generally, which translated into strong support and turnout among Latino voters. In Campaigning in a Racially Diversifying America: When and How Cross-Racial Electoral Mobilization Works, Loren Collingwood examines the specific case of how and when white/Anglo candidates mobilize Latino voters, and why some candidates are successful whereas others are not. Drawing on extensive data collection, statistical analysis, and archival evidence, Collingwood traces the development of cross-racial mobilization across the U.S. South and the Southwest since the 1940s. Extensive cross-racial mobilization is most likely to occur when elections are competitive, institutional barriers to the vote are low, candidates have previously developed a welcoming racial reputation with target voters, whites’ attitudes are racially liberal, and the Latino electorate is large and growing. Collingwood convincingly argues—and empirically demonstrates—that to maximize the vote across the racial aisle, white/Anglo candidates must develop minority-group cultural competence and group-specific policy expertise. With these qualities, and maximum efforts at cross-racial mobilization, non-co-ethnic candidates can begin to approach the electoral benefits previously thought only accrued to co-ethnic candidates.

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