scholarly journals Funding, Power and Community Development

This book critically explores the funding arrangements governing contemporary community development and how they shape its theory and practice. The chapters consider the evolution of funding in community development, and how changes in policy and practice can be understood in relation to the politics of neoliberalism and contemporary efforts to build global democracy from the ‘bottom up’. Thematically, the book explores matters such as popular democracy, the shifting contours of the state–market relationship, prospects for democratising the state, the feasibility of community autonomy, the effects of managerialism, and hybrid modes of funding such as social finance. The book is positioned to stimulate critical debate on both policy and practice within the broad field of community development.

Author(s):  
Richard Danakari

Introduction. The article examines the nature and essence of patriotism and friendship of peoples, their crucial role for the life of the Russian Federation. Over the past decades, radical changes have taken place in the political system of Russia, its social and ethnic structure, and a heterogeneous ethno-confessional society has been formed. The author shows that patriotism and friendship of peoples are the most important determinants, specific properties necessary for the integration of our multinational federation ensuring order and stability in the country, its sustainable and dynamic development, the gradual formation of new supra-ethnic and supra-confessional values, and general cultural identity. Methods. The combination of applying methods and approaches is the key to studying the theory and practice of patriotism, recognizing its procedural nature, unity and opposition in the activities of the state and society, the interests of the government, political parties and social groups. The use of the polyparadigmatic methodology in studying the nature and essence of patriotism, in particular, the activity and civilizational approaches, the synergetic method, dialectic categories made it possible to determine the complexity and continuity of the formation of patriotism and patriotic work, to reveal dynamism and conflict, general and special features in them. Analysis. Studying the real state of Russian society points to the weakness of systemic activities of patriotic education, preserving and strengthening the unity and friendship between nations. The lack of a common goal problematizes the search for a common patriotic idea, new foundations for Russian civilization, the common existence of nations, the construction of a welfare state and a harmonious society. Results. The article reveals inadequacy of the declared ideas of patriotism and friendship of peoples to the policy and practice of implementing neoliberal values and the priority of individualism. The author shows that the process of further fragmentation and stratification, alienation and separation of people according to racial, national, ethnic, cultural, religious, confessional, generational, professional and other characteristics continues in society. The transition of already atomized individuals from the ethnic mentality and national behavioral stereotypes to a single patriotic goal – the all-Russian identity – is formal. Today, the activity on the formation of patriotism and patriotic attitudes of consciousness does not affect the deep, essential foundations of society, is of a festival and manipulative nature, and in many respects concerns only the military sphere, tourism and sports. The notes mentioned create significant difficulties in understanding the idea of the common welfare, genuine and false in patriotism, the definition of objective interests of the state, authority and society, social groups and individual elites. Modern globalization inevitably involves taking into account the national interests of Russia, the search for optimal forms of interconnection of civilizational and universal principles.


Author(s):  
Barbara Arneil

Colonization is generally defined as a process by which states settle and dominate foreign lands or peoples. Thus, modern colonies are assumed to be outside Europe and the colonized non-European. This volume contends such definitions of the colony, the colonized, and colonization need to be fundamentally rethought in light of hundreds of ‘domestic colonies’ proposed and/or created by governments and civil society organizations initially within Europe in the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth centuries and then beyond. The three categories of domestic colonies in this book are labour colonies for the idle poor, farm colonies for the mentally ill, and disabled and utopian colonies for racial, religious, and political minorities. All of these domestic colonies were justified by an ideology of domestic colonialism characterized by three principles: segregation, agrarian labour, improvement, through which, in the case of labour and farm colonies, the ‘idle’, ‘irrational’, and/or custom-bound would be transformed into ‘industrious and rational’ citizens while creating revenues for the state to maintain such populations. Utopian colonies needed segregation from society so their members could find freedom, work the land, and challenge the prevailing norms of the society around them. Defended by some of the leading progressive thinkers of the period, including Alexis de Tocqueville, Abraham Lincoln, Peter Kropotkin, Robert Owen, Tommy Douglas, and Booker T. Washington, the turn inward to colony not only provides a new lens with which to understand the scope of colonization and colonialism in modern history but a critically important way to distinguish ‘the colonial’ from ‘the imperial’ in Western political theory and practice.


2010 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey L. Jordan ◽  
Bulent Anil ◽  
Abdul Munasib

While a substantial amount of research has been devoted to showing what social capital does, research explaining social capital itself lags behind. The literature has a long tradition of examining the effect of social capital on local economic growth and development. In this paper we examine whether local economic development can explain the variation in social capital across various geographical clusters in the state of Georgia. We begin by devising a measurement tool, a Human Development Index (HDI), to measure community development. Our social capital measure includes associational memberships, voluntary activities, and philanthropy obtained from the Georgia Social Capital Survey. The findings show that even after accounting for various demographic and economic characteristics, the HDI explains the variation in a number of social capital levels (especially those measured by associational involvement) across various geographical clusters in the state of Georgia.


2021 ◽  
pp. 204382062110177
Author(s):  
Ning An ◽  
Jo Sharp ◽  
Ian Shaw

In this brief response paper, we respond to the insightful commentaries that critically engage with our original article in this forum. First, we discuss whether Confucian culture is fundamental to Chinese geopolitics, emphasizing how and why culture is part of a wider epistemic resource. We also note that our model is not normative, but an analytic framework for understanding complex non-western situations. Second, we discuss the geographies and scales of our model, noting a core tension between geopolitics at the state level and in everyday life. Third, we address the ‘gap’ between theory and practice under our Confucian model, noting that there is often a strategic inclusion (or exclusion) of Confucianism in practice. We finish by emphasizing that our paper is part a longer journey to further decentralize the western hold upon geopolitics.


2006 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 269-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeroen Temperman

AbstractThis article suggests a signicant correlation between the notions of state neutrality and religious freedom. The absence of a considerable degree of state neutrality has a detrimental effect on human rights compliance. Under states which identify themselves strongly with a single religious denomination as well as under states which identify themselves negatively in relation to religion, there is no scope for human rights compliance. Both extreme types of state–religion identication are characterised by repression of all beliefs and manifestations thereof which do not correspond with the state sanctioned view on belief. This may be either the upholding of a specic religious denomination or of militant ideological secularism. Consequently, discrimination and marginalisation rather than compliance with the norms of freedom of religion and the promotion of non-discrimination comprise policy and practice under these regimes. Intermediate forms of state–religion afliation, i.e. types of identication in which the state is not drenched with the excluding ideals of a single denomination or with anti-religious sentiments, allow for a degree of democratic inclusion of religious difference and of religious tolerance. The most substantial scope for full compliance, however, lies in the combination of democratic inclusion of people from different religions and the indispensable political commitment characterised as state neutrality with respect to all people. State neutrality refers to a regime of state–religion identi cation that can best be understood as 'accommodative non-partisanship'.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 522-542 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christofer Berglund

After the Rose Revolution, President Saakashvili tried to move away from the exclusionary nationalism of the past, which had poisoned relations between Georgians and their Armenian and Azerbaijani compatriots. His government instead sought to foster an inclusionary nationalism, wherein belonging was contingent upon speaking the state language and all Georgian speakers, irrespective of origin, were to be equals. This article examines this nation-building project from a top-down and bottom-up lens. I first argue that state officials took rigorous steps to signal that Georgian-speaking minorities were part of the national fabric, but failed to abolish religious and historical barriers to their inclusion. I next utilize a large-scale, matched-guise experiment (n= 792) to explore if adolescent Georgians ostracize Georgian-speaking minorities or embrace them as their peers. I find that the upcoming generation of Georgians harbor attitudes in line with Saakashvili's language-centered nationalism, and that current Georgian nationalism therefore is more inclusionary than previous research, or Georgia's tumultuous past, would lead us to believe.


Author(s):  
T. Rovinskaya

The article considers the phenomena of e-democracy in its development from theory to practice. The following issues are covered: existing concepts of electronic citizens’ participation in political decision-taking, e-government as a form of open interaction of the state institutions with the public, technological base and international experience of using the mechanisms of e-democracy.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document