The hardware and software of Trumpism: A figure/ground analysis

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrey Miroshnichenko

This article probes into Trumpism using McLuhan’s idea of figure/ground analysis. To make visible the hidden ground behind a salient figure (or figures), the dichotomy of instrumental and environmental approaches to media effects is introduced. The widely used instrumental approach is rooted in the long-standing Lasswellian tradition of communication studies (‘who says what, in which channel, to whom, with what effect?’). The instrumental explanations of Trumpism are unavoidably reductionist, as they focus on figures and, therefore, overemphasize rationality and agency in media use. On the contrary, the environmental approach focuses on hidden ground and explores what environmental forces originate from new media’s proliferation and how these forces reshape habitat and inhabitants. To apply this view, the article examines the environmental factors within the news industry and social media that are favourable to Trumpism: the commodification of Trump by the media, the morphological conflict between broadcasting and engaging modes of agenda-setting, the built-in polarization of social media and others.

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 205630512110353
Author(s):  
Diamantis Petropoulos Petalas ◽  
Elly A. Konijn ◽  
Benjamin K. Johnson ◽  
Jolanda Veldhuis ◽  
Nadia A. J. D. Bij de Vaate ◽  
...  

On a daily basis, individuals between 12 and 25 years of age engage with their mobile devices for many hours. Social Media Use (SMU) has important implications for the social life of younger individuals in particular. However, measuring SMU and its effects often poses challenges to researchers. In this exploratory study, we focus on some of these challenges, by addressing how plurality in the measurement and age-specific characteristics of SMU can influence its relationship with measures of subjective mental health (MH). We conducted a survey among a nationally representative sample of Dutch adolescents and young adults ( N = 3,669). Using these data, we show that measures of SMU show little similarity with each other, and that age-group differences underlie SMU. Similar to the small associations previously shown in social media-effects research, we also find some evidence that greater SMU associates to drops and to increases in MH. Albeit nuanced, associations between SMU and MH were found to be characterized by both linear and quadratic functions. These findings bear implications for the level of association between different measures of SMU and its theorized relationship with other dependent variables of interest in media-effects research.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marjolaine Rivest-Beauregard ◽  
Justine Fortin ◽  
Connie Guo ◽  
Sabrina Cipolletta ◽  
Ram Sapkota ◽  
...  

BACKGROUND While exposure to COVID-related stressors, level of peritraumatic distress, and frequency of media use for seeking COVID-related information can increase the risk for trauma- and stressor-related (TSR) symptoms during the pandemic, frequency of social media use for support and connection may buffer these effects. OBJECTIVE We examined the associations between COVID-related stressors and frequency of media use for information-seeking on TSR symptoms, with a focus on the indirect effects of social media use for support-seeking and peritraumatic distress. METHODS A path model was tested in an international sample of 5 913 adults who completed an online survey. RESULTS COVID-related stressors (β = .25, p <.05) and information-seeking through media (β = .24, p <.05) were significantly associated with TSR symptoms in bivariate comparisons. Levels of peritraumatic distress and frequency of social media use for support were significant intermediary variables (respectively, β=0.71, p<.05; β=.02, p<.05). CONCLUSIONS Results suggest that exposure to COVID-related stressors and seeking COVID-related information through the media are associated with higher levels of peritraumatic distress and, in turn, higher levels of TSR symptoms. Although exposure to the stress of the COVID-19 pandemic may be unavoidable, the frequency consuming COVID-related information through the media should be approached with caution. CLINICALTRIAL NA


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephan Lewandowsky ◽  
Michael Jetter ◽  
Ullrich K. H. Ecker

Abstract Social media has arguably shifted political agenda-setting power away from mainstream media onto politicians. Current U.S. President Trump’s reliance on Twitter is unprecedented, but the underlying implications for agenda setting are poorly understood. Using the president as a case study, we present evidence suggesting that President Trump’s use of Twitter diverts crucial media (The New York Times and ABC News) from topics that are potentially harmful to him. We find that increased media coverage of the Mueller investigation is immediately followed by Trump tweeting increasingly about unrelated issues. This increased activity, in turn, is followed by a reduction in coverage of the Mueller investigation—a finding that is consistent with the hypothesis that President Trump’s tweets may also successfully divert the media from topics that he considers threatening. The pattern is absent in placebo analyses involving Brexit coverage and several other topics that do not present a political risk to the president. Our results are robust to the inclusion of numerous control variables and examination of several alternative explanations, although the generality of the successful diversion must be established by further investigation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gennadiy Chernov ◽  
Maxwell McCombs

Abstract This paper explores the philosophical orientations within which agenda setting operates, and agenda setting’s place within the broader framework of the media effects tradition, specifically in comparison with framing and priming. It also responds to earlier criticisms of agenda setting for its supposed lack of theoretical richness and narrowly understood underlying mechanisms. Both ontological and epistemological statuses of the agenda-setting theory are analyzed in order to place agenda setting into the communication discipline’s broader context. This paper demonstrates that the most important distinction between framing and agenda setting is that they are based on different ways of knowing. While the epistemological bases of priming are similar to the theory of agenda setting, the paper argues that further progress will depend not only on practical studies of different aspects of agenda setting, but also on theoretical and philosophical conceptualizations in the future.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-199
Author(s):  
Agnes Kovacs ◽  
Tamas Doczi ◽  
Dunja Antunovic

The Olympic Games are among the most followed events in the world, so athletes who participate there are exceptionally interesting for the media. This research investigated Olympians’ social media use, sport journalists’ attitudes about Olympians’ social media use, and the role of social media in the relationship between Olympians and sport journalists in Hungary. The findings suggest that most Hungarian Olympians do not think that being on social media is an exceptionally key issue in their life, and a significant portion of them do not have public social media pages. However, sport journalists would like to see more information about athletes on social media platforms. The Hungarian case offers not only a general understanding of the athlete–journalist relationship, and the role of social media in it, but also insight into the specific features of the phenomenon in a state-supported, hybrid sport economy.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roy Glueckstern ◽  
Alexi Benyacar ◽  
Sacha Grigri

According to Gill (2017), the present era of electronic revolution is one in which social media has become a means to an end in political sphere communication. Today, political marketing and advertising for persons seeking elective posts analyze, develop, execute and manage campaigns as a way of driving public opinion (Laing &amp; Khattab, 2016). Social media provides a platform on which one can engage with the so-called connected generation. If the November 2016 elections are anything to go by, Twitter proved to be the medium of choice for citizens to engage and consume political content (Le et al., 2017). Ideally, tweets formed the basis of facilitating user engagement through the provision of content and newsbreaks. By extension, the mentioned discussions would influence the political discourse while establishing the capacity to determine the events of mainstream media. This study seeks to establish social media usage by President Donald Trump before and after his election. An understanding of such trend is essential in inferring as to whether Social media, in this case Twitter, plays a role in the current political spheres by promoting influence of a given aspirant. This stems from various studies that have stated that there is an association between social media use and an aspirant’s influence of the connected generation who are especially the youths. For instance, a thesis by Hwang (2016) observed that President Trump’s Twitter usage contributes to his political poll success which he associates with a reflection of his personality in the media use. This was also observed by Lilleker, Jackson, Thorsen and Veneti (2016) who stated that President Trump’s media use contributed to his election. It would hence be essential to understand President Trump’s nature of usage of Twitter. Allcott and Gentzkow (2017) conducted a study in which they observed use of fake news to influence people into certain political alignments. Twitter was also observed as one of the channels through which fake news was distributed. This study might help to create a foundation under which more studies can be done to determine the association of social media with other issues facing the society such as fake news and environment issues and their role on presidential elections. It would also be worth noting that there has been high politicization of President Trump’s use of Twitter especially during his Campaigns. This study would hence help to infer whether there is a change in this factor after his election.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 284
Author(s):  
Ami Saptiyono ◽  
Erika Dwi Setya Watie ◽  
Edi Nurwahyu Julianto

<p class="BasicParagraph">Abstract</p><p class="BasicParagraph">Penelitian ini melihat bagaimana kegiatan mahasiswa, dalam hal ini mahasiswa Komunikasi Universitas Semarang yang dikonstruk dalam pemberitaan media massa online. Tribunnews.com dipilih karena merupakan portal berita terbesar dan terluas di Indonesia. Peneliti mencari dan melihat artikel kegiatan mahasiswa Ilmu Komunikasi Universitas Semarang  yang dimuat oleh tribunews.com mulai periode Januari 2018 hingga Oktober 2019. Dengan menggunakan agenda setting, peneliti menganalisa kemampuan media massa membangun pesan dari sebuah berita dalam mempengaruhi khalayak. berdasarkan tujuan tertentu yang diinginkan oleh media atau pihak yang memiliki kepentingan. Analisis kuantitatif ini terdiri dari tiga tahap, yaitu; penentuan model desain penelitian, pencarian data primer, dan pencarian pengetahuan kontekstual sehingga hubungan antara faktor-faktor dalam penelitian dapat dilihat. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa kualitas dan kuantitas kegiatan mahasiswa harus ditingkatkan agar mampu menmbuat media  mengkonstruksi berita sesuai yang diinginkan oleh pihak yang memiliki kepentingan atas pemberitaan tersebut.</p><p class="BasicParagraph">Kata Kunci: Jurnalisme Digital, Agenda Seting, Kegiatan Mahasiswa, Konstruksi Berita, Analisis isi Kuantitatif</p><p class="BasicParagraph"> </p><p class="BasicParagraph"><strong><em>Abstract</em></strong><em></em></p><p class="AbstakIndo"><em>This study analyse how student activities, in this case is Semarang University Communication students activities, were constructed in online media news. Tribunnews.com was the media chose by authors,  because it is the largest and widest news portal in Indonesia. Authors searched and looked at the Semarang University Communication Studies student activities articles which published by tribunews.com from  January 2018 to October 2019. Using agenda setting, authors analyzed the ability of the mass media to build messages to make news according to the audience. Based on certain objectives desired by the media or parties who have an interest. This quantitative analysis consists of three hangovers, namely; The selection of research design models, primary data search, and contextual knowledge search so that the relationship between factors in research can be seen. The results of this study indicate that the quality and excellence of student activities must be improved in order to be able to make the media construct news as desired by those who have an interest in the reporting.</em></p><p class="IsiAbstrakIndo"><em> </em></p><em>Keywords: Digital Journalism, Agenda Setting, Student Activities, News Construction Quantitative Content Analysis</em>


Author(s):  
Michael Barthel ◽  
Patricia Moy

Citizens’ trust in government, a vital component of any functioning democracy, can be affected by media content, but these media effects depend on numerous factors. This chapter first illustrates the normative significance of political trust, then reviews its various conceptualizations and operationalizations. It reviews the key empirical linkages between media and political trust, focusing on differences in medium, modality, presentation formats, and mechanisms of influence. The relationship between media use and political trust is discussed in light of an evolving landscape – one in which the media are no longer centralized, content consumers also produce messages, and media and politics are inextricably linked. The chapter calls for additional research on the effects of new media and emerging political cultures on political trust.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amber Pahayahay ◽  
Najmeh Khalili-Mahani

BACKGROUND Social and physical distancing in response to the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic has made screen-mediated information and communication technologies (media) indispensable. Whether an increase in screen use is a source of or a relief for stress remains to be seen. OBJECTIVE In the immediate aftermath of the COVID-19 lockdowns, we investigated the relation between subjective stress and changes in the pattern of media use. Based on Lazarus’s transactional model of appraisal and coping, and building on an earlier similar survey, we hypothesize that individual differences in the appraisal of media predict variations in approach or avoidance of media for coping with COVID-19 stress. METHODS Between March 20 and April 20, 2020, a brief snowball survey entitled: “What media helps, what media hurts: coping with COVID19 through screens” was distributed via Concordia University’s mailing lists and social media (PERFORM Centre, EngAGE Centre, and Media Health Lab). Using a media repertoire method, we asked questions about preferences, changes in use, and personal appraisal of media experiences (approach, avoid, and ignore) as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic and investigated interindividual differences in media use by factors such as subjective stress, age, gender, and self-reported mental health. RESULTS More than 90% of the survey respondents were in Canada and the east coast of the United States. From 685 completed responses, 169 respondents were “very stressed” and 452 were “slightly worried” about the pandemic. COVID-19 stress led to increased use of Facebook (χ<sup>2</sup><sub>3</sub>=11.76, <i>P</i>=.008), television (χ<sup>2</sup><sub>3</sub>=12.40, <i>P</i>=.006), YouTube (χ<sup>2</sup><sub>3</sub>=8.577, <i>P</i>=.04), and streaming services such as Netflix (χ<sup>2</sup><sub>3</sub>=10.71, <i>P</i>=.01). Respondents who considered their mental health “not good” were twice as likely to prefer streaming services as a coping tool for self-isolation. Women and nonbinary respondents were twice as likely than men to pick social media for coping. Individuals younger than 35 years were 3 times more likely to pick computer games, and individuals older than 55 years were more likely to pick network television or print media. Gender affected the appraisal of media (less in men than others) in terms of avoid (<i>F</i><sub>1,637</sub>=5.84, <i>P</i>=.02) and approach scores (<i>F</i><sub>1,637</sub>=14.31, <i>P</i>&lt;.001). Subjective mental health affected the ignore score (less in those who said “good” than others; <i>F</i><sub>1,637</sub>=13.88, <i>P</i>&lt;.001). The appraisal score and use increase explained variations in worrying about physical and mental health stress due to increased screen time. A qualitative analysis of open-ended questions revealed that media (especially social networks) were important for coping if they provided support and connection through the dissemination of factual and positive information while avoiding the overflow of sensational and false news. CONCLUSIONS The relationship between appraisal of media’s positive and negative facets vary with demographic differences in mental health resiliency. The media repertoire approach is an important tool in studies that focus on assessing the benefits and harms of screen overuse in different populations, especially in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic.


2021 ◽  
pp. 181-203
Author(s):  
Peter John

This chapter addresses media in politics, including newspapers, television, the internet, and social media. It seeks to answer the question of how influential the media is over politics, in areas such as voting behaviour. This discussion gives a broad overview of politics and the media, about the agenda of politics and its framing, and what shapes it. The chapter then covers the classic question of the influence of the media in British politics. It also considers the importance of social media, and how it is now part of all media today, especially in relation to elections and referendums. Finally, the chapter looks at media and social media campaigning in elections. It introduces the concept of chaotic pluralism as a way of characterizing today's social media-dominated and fluid political environment.


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